By Ulrich Rippert in Gemrany:
Hundreds of neo-Nazis chant anti-Semitic slogans in Dortmund, Germany
24 September 2018
On Friday evening, several hundred Neo-nazis marched through a residential area in the working-class German city of Dortmund. They waved black-white-red imperial flags
These flags were the German national flags during Emperor Wilhelm II’s second Reich, and restored as such when Hitler‘s third Reich started
and roared neo-Nazi slogans. Their main slogan was, “Those who love Germany are anti-Semitic”. They also chanted, “Police, democracy, you’ll never break us” and “National Socialism [Nazism] now!” The police left the Nazis undisturbed and did not intervene.
That same day, radical right-wingers once again marched through the city in Chemnitz. According to media reports, followers of the “Pro Chemnitz” alliance attacked the offices of the Left Party, where many members of the Saxony state legislature are based. A journalist was also said to have been attacked during the right-wing march.
On Saturday, in the Bavarian city of Bamberg, a so-called “anchor centre” for refugees was burnt down. It took several hours for the fire to be extinguished and to evacuate hundreds of asylum-seekers. The police said the cause of the fire was unclear, and that there was no evidence of arson or a xenophobic attack.
The anti-Semitic character of these right-wing attacks has caused outrage around the world. At the end of August, a dozen neo-Nazis had attacked the Jewish restaurant “Shalom” in Chemnitz with stones, bottles and steel pipes and verbally abused the owner. In New York, a spokesman for the World Jewish Congress called on the German government to intervene against the rise of anti-Semitic attacks.
But the German government is the wrong address for such demands. That today—85 years after the seizure of power by the Nazis and the subsequent fascist terror in Europe, which cost the lives of 6 million Jews—Nazi gangs are again marching through the streets and chanting anti-Semitic slogans under the eyes of the police is the product of the policy of the German government. The grand coalition of the Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU) and Social Democrats (SPD) is responsible for the return of the Nazi hordes.
The grand coalition, whose constituent parties all saw their votes plummet in the general election last year, and which is deeply hated, has adopted the slogan of the neo-Nazis: “Foreigners out!” as the guiding line of its refugee policy. The government has set up an inhumane system of concentration camps to detain, bureaucratically bully and deport refugees as quickly as possible.
Interior Minister Seehofer (CSU) stated that immigration was the “mother of all problems”. At the end of August, when extreme right-wing thugs hunted down and attacked foreigners in Chemnitz and also attacked a Jewish restaurant, Seehofer said the demonstrators were “concerned citizens” and added that as a citizen of Chemnitz, he too would have taken to the streets.
Together with the then head of the secret service, Hans-Georg Maassen, the interior minister downplayed the events. Maassen had offered neo-Nazis his protection by denying refugees had even been “hunted down” in Chemnitz. Right to the last, Seehofer refused to sack Maassen; instead, he has been promoted to an influential post in the interior ministry.
Massen enjoys close connections to right-wing circles. He is a supporter of the Alternative for Germany (AfD), which has an openly neo-fascist wing. He had conducted several discussions with AfD leaders and made sure that the party was not cited as a right-wing extremist organisation in the annual Constitutional Protection Report prepared by the secret service. Instead all those who oppose the far right are stigmatized in the report as “left-wing extremists”.
A key role in this right-wing conspiracy is played by the SPD.
When Maassen’s promotion triggered a storm of indignation in broad sections of the population, SPD leader Andrea Nahles suggested “re-negotiating” the “Maassen case” to ensure the growing political influence of this AfD supporter in the government was concealed as far as possible. Following the recent top-level talks, he would no longer be a state secretary but a “special advisor” to the interior ministry and continue to receive his full pay of more than ten thousand euros a month.
Nahles is seeking to keep the grand coalition in office in the face of growing popular resistance. In a letter to the SPD membership, she justifies the continuing collaboration with Merkel, Seehofer and Co. as follows: “Europe is facing a crucial test, there is a threat of a trade war with the US, the situation concerning Syria requires all our diplomatic skill. That is why it is important for the SPD to preserve an effective federal government.”
The SPD had aspired to continue the grand coalition in the spring and is now defending it with all its might because it regards this government as the political instrument with which it can pursue the economic and geostrategic interests of German imperialism in the very crisis that Nahles addressed in her letter to the membership. She is reacting to the crisis in Europe with a policy of increased German dominance, and is using the growing trade war with the US as an opportunity to push through a program of massive military rearmament.
An interview with ex-SPD leader and former Foreign Minister Sigmar Gabriel in the new edition of Der Spiegel makes this clear. He warns that the “big question concerning Germany’s place in the world” remains unanswered.
With the presidency of Donald Trump, the US had given up its leading role in the Western world, he said. “We are experiencing a struggle for the sovereignty of Europe in a completely different world.” However, according to Gabriel, it was also “a good thing if we Europeans are forced to take our fate into our own hands.” The danger today emanating from Germany was not the danger of military dominance, but “the dominance of inaction.”
Gabriel calls for “more strategic debates”, declaring: “First, we must understand that moral rigor can be just as wrong as forgoing morality.” In this rejection of morality, he is echoing the statements of political scientist Herfried Münkler. The professor at Humboldt University has emphasized repeatedly that “we Germans are always content to uphold morality. It would be better if we would admit that we also have interests.”
Münkler called for Germany, as the “power in the middle”, to be the “champion of Europe” in order to be able to play a role in world politics. The professor was well aware that German rearmament requires the whitewashing of Germany’s past crimes. He said, “There is hardly any responsible policy in Europe if you have the idea that we have been to blame for everything. With regard to 1914 [the outbreak of World War I], that is a legend.”
His colleague at Humboldt University, Professor of Eastern European History Jörg Baberowski, took on the task of downplaying the crimes of the Nazis. That same year, he defended Ernst Nolte, the most well known Nazi apologist among German historians, and went so far as to defend Adolf Hitler. “Hitler was not a psychopath, he was not vicious. He did not want talk about exterminating the Jews at his table”, he told the most popular German news magazine Der Spiegel.
The Sozialistische Gleichheitspartei (Socialist Equality Party–SGP) and its youth organization, the IYSSE, were the only political organizations to oppose this historical falsification. “Efforts to establish an historically false narrative coincide with a critical turning point in German history”, the SGP and IYSSE said in February 2014, referring to the federal government’s announcement that Germany’s decades of military restraint were now over. “The revival of German militarism requires a new interpretation of history that minimises the crimes of the Nazi era.”
Recent events have confirmed the correctness of this assessment. The return of German militarism revives all the ghosts of the past. The only way to prevent the revival of Nazism and imperialist militarism is to mobilize the working class on the basis of a revolutionary socialist program.
This video from Germany says about itself:
A demonstration against right-wing violence takes place in Berlin on Thursday, August 30, following days of unrest in Saxony where far-right, anti-migrant protests turned violent.
By Marianne Arens and Ulrich Rippert in Germany:
“A whiff of 1933”
Sharp rise in far-right attacks in Germany
22 September 2018
Only a few weeks have passed since right-wing extremist thugs and neo-fascists organised a witch-hunt against foreigners in the German city of Chemnitz on 26 and 27 August. Ever since, leading politicians, led by Interior Minister Horst Seehofer (Christian Social Union, CSU) and ex-president of the domestic secret service Hans-Georg Maaßen, have sought to downplay the events.
Maaßen denied that a racist witch-hunt had ever taken place. Seehofer declared immigration to be “the mother of all problems” and later added that if he were an ordinary citizen, he would have been on the streets in Chemnitz. When the Interior Minister made these comments it was already known that a dozen neo-Nazis had attacked the Jewish Schalom restaurant in Chemnitz with stones, glass bottles, and steel pipes, and insulted the owner with anti-Semitic slurs.
No disciplinary measures were taken against Maaßen for his denial and he was not held to account. Instead, in negotiations involving all government parties, he was promoted. He will now advocate his right-wing AfD policies in the Interior Ministry, where he will serve as state secretary for domestic security.
These developments have strengthened and encouraged the AfD and far-right groups, who are a small despised minority in Germany. The Nazi thugs feel protected from criminal prosecution and emboldened to intervene ever more aggressively.
The Süddeutsche Zeitung published extracts from a chronology on Thursday noting that “a wave” of right-wing violence is developing.
The newspaper reported the following attacks, among others:
- August 29, Wismar (Mecklenburg Pomerania): Three attackers broke a 20-year-old refugee’s nose and beat his upper body with an iron chain.
- August 29, Sonderhausen (Thuringia): Four men, who belong to the right-wing scene according to police, severely injured a 33-year-old Eritrean.
- September 1, Essen (North Rhein-Westphalia:Two men beat a member of the local integration council and his companion, a refugee from Afghanistan while insulting them with racist abuse.
- September 3, Rostock (Mecklenburg-Pomerania): A man attacked three students from Azerbaijan with a baton at a tram station.
- September 12, Chemnitz (Saxony): Several men beat a 41-year-old Tunisian.
- September 14, Munich (Bavaria): “I will kill all foreigners!” a 54-year-old shouted, as they sprayed a Nigerian immigrant with mace in the face.
One of the starkest examples of these attacks is the anti-Semitic death threats against Berlin-based blogger Schlecky Silberstein and his co-workers. The team of satirists has been the target of death threats on right-wing extremist websites after they filmed a parody of the far-right for public broadcaster SWR.
Silberstein, alias Christian M. Brandes, was originally an advertising writer and now works as an author, moderator, and blogger. His production company filmed the satirical clip in Berlin-Lichtenberg on September 7 for the online comedy show Bohemian Browser Ballet.
The satirical video “People’s festival in Saxony” highlights in a pointed manner some of the characteristics of the far-right rampage in Chemnitz. The video shows Nazi goons seizing on the news of the murder of a German citizen to initiate a right-wing rampage, “Here we go again.” A man wearing a black, red, and gold hat, the colours of the German national flag, and shouting “We are the people”, turns out to be a police officer. This is an obvious parody of the employee from Saxony’s state criminal bureau, who was fired after participating in a right-wing demonstration. Participants in a so-called “funeral march” attack journalists and blacks. A neo-Nazi sells photos of his Nazi salute to the media for €10 apiece. And finally, swipes are taken at dishonest headlines in the Bild newspaper, pseudo-democrats, and anti-Nazi “We are more” events sponsored by Coca-Cola and Flixbus.
In the clip, an information table for a political party that resembles the AfD is also featured. With the declaration, “Anyone can be a member here!”, a party official speaks to a bullnecked skinhead in khaki trousers. The AfD official wears the unmistakable white rose in his buttonhole, which the leaders of the AfD and Pegida wore during their so-called “silent marches” in Chemnitz.
With their video, Silberstein and his crew sought to take aim at the fascist threat, and for this they immediately found themselves in the crosshairs of the far-right.
The AfD Berlin-Lichtenberg responded quickly with its own film. In the video, they sought to portray the parody as a deliberate falsification, without acknowledging the obvious fact that it was a satire. As if they have never come across neo-Nazi marches, attacks on minorities, and Nazi salutes, the AfD sought to portray all of this as the invention of evil left-wing journalists so as to pin the blame for this “fake news” on the AfD.
The AfD clip with the title “New fake video exposed” shows clips of the Silberstein film set, after which AfD official Karsten Woldeit, a member of the Berlin state parliament, declares that it is unbelievable what methods are being resorted to discredit the AfD. The video ends with Woldeit’s demand, “The task now is to find out who made this video?”
A Facebook comment below the video stated, “Those guys can surely be identified, they’re clearly visible in the video.”
Shortly after the AfD posted this video, a video appeared showing AfD parliamentary deputy Frank-Christian Hansel and a cameraman standing in front of Silberstein’s partner’s front door and filming his address sign. After nobody opens up, Hansel declares, “We’ll be back.” This clip, in which the full name, street address, and house number can be clearly seen, was then spread by the AfD Berlin via its Facebook page.
A few hours later, the death threats began to arrive for Silberstein’s partner. One states, “And it’s Jews like you that are once again causing this agitation. You Jews are a conspiracy. You must be murdered!! … One day, we will murder you.” On the AfD’s video channel, one person called for the filmmaker’s private offices to be stormed.
“A whiff of 1933”, commented Silberstein on these events in his latest blog. “When politicians turn up at artists’ homes to say ‘We know where you live’, then that’s where we are again, dear friends.”
This June 2018 list of music videos is called John Coltrane Both Directions at Once: The Lost Album.
By Chris Searle in Britain:
Friday, September 21, 2018
Jazz Albums with Chris Searle: Rediscovered 1963 Coltrane recordings a revelatory treasure from a momentous year
Both Directions at Once: The Lost Album
AT THE beginning of March in 1963 the John Coltrane Quartet — Coltrane on soprano and tenor sax, McCoy Tyner on piano, Jimmy Garrison playing bass and Elvin Jones on drums — recorded 14 tracks in New Jersey.
Unknown and unissued for 55 years, and only existing on a reference tape Coltrane brought home from the studio before he left to play an evening session at the Birdland jazz club in Manhattan, those tracks were recorded at a momentous time.
This was the year of the Kennedy assassination and also when the civil rights resistance was boiling in the US south, particularly in Birmingham, Alabama, and in August 250,000 people marched on Washington. Eighteen days later, Birmingham’s Sixteenth Street Baptist Church was bombed by racists and four girls were killed as they changed into their choir robes. The Coltrane Quartet responded with the memorial Alabama as part of their Live at Birdland album.
Throughout that March “lost” session, there’s a sense of social and musical ferment. Fellow tenor saxophonist Wayne Shorter remembers Coltrane describing this inner tumult as “starting a sentence in the middle and then going to the beginning and the end of it at the same time … both directions at once.”
His soprano saxophone surges on opener Untitled Original 11383 before Garrison’s inspired solo, first with his bow, then with his fingers. Tyner lays out on piano, with Jones’s drums ascendant on Nature Boy and, through Untitled Original 11386, Coltrane’s soprano dances and leaps, his notes blithe and full of felicitous life, impacting on Tyner’s sweeping solo.
Coltrane seizes the melody of Franz Lehar’s Vilia from the operetta The Merry Widow and transforms it into an unlikely frolic of black freedom, with Elvin’s drums buoyant with joy. Slow Blues is a reflective and cogent essay, with the quartet in powerful accord with every phrase of Coltrane’s restless horn.
What is in his head as his saxophone reaches out? Is it Birmingham or the campaign against police brutality in Albany, Georgia?
Or is it the words of Martin Luther King? “We must rise above our fears. There is nothing to be afraid of if you believe and know that the cause for which you stand is right.” Those words and their context resonate through ‘Trane’s sound.
One Up, One Down has a walking bass solo by Garrison and Jones’s crashing drums alongside Coltrane’s rampaging tenor and there are four different takes of the classic Coltrane opus Impressions, each one seething with its life and times and the second take especially animated.
Coltrane sounds low-down and very bluesy and guttural on take six of One Up, One Down, which concludes this double album, undertaking an earnest drums-horn colloquy with Elvin before Tyner comes in for a sprinting solo. Beneath it all pounds the eternity of Garrison’s pulsating bass heartbeat — an ending which has no end.
Any retrieval of the music of John Coltrane’s greatest quartet is a precious find. His tenor saxophone contemporary Sonny Rollins likened the discovery of these recordings to “finding a new room in the Great Pyramid”. Quite a hyperbole, perhaps, but not for old jazz-geezers like me.
Last weekend, there was a fire in housing for refugees in Ter Apel. On the Facebook page of regional broadcaster RTV Noord, Mr Smeding reacted to that news item by advocating to throw petrol on the fire to make it worse.
RTV Noord removed that comment. Smeding got many angry reactions. He at first reacted to that by doubling down on his racist advocacy of arson.
However, after more upset reactions, Smeding decided to resign as council member.
By Kevin Ovenden:
Thursday, September 20, 2018
Call a Nazi a Nazi
Demonstrations and concerts took place across Greece this week to mark the fifth anniversary of the murder by Golden Dawn neonazis of rap artist Pavlos Fyssas.
That case forms part of the base of the trial of Golden Dawn to determine it a criminal organisation masquerading as a political party. The trial began in April 2015 and is now in its final stages. Verdicts are expected early next spring.
To mark the anniversary also, the radical left GUE/NGL grouping of members of the European Parliament published a study I produced for them and the wider anti-fascist movement. It is titled “The Terrorist Activity Of Neonazi Organisations In Europe: the case of Golden Dawn.”
It is based on the three-and-a-half years of court proceedings and on the work of the Jail Golden Dawn small group of lawyers acting for the anti-fascist movement in Greece and for some of the victims of scores of neonazi crimes.
It falls into two parts. A forensic examination of the critical evidence and an assessment of the implications for mass democratic opposition to violent racism and the fascist threats which are so apparent in much of Europe today.
It is important to understand the nature and legal basis of the prosecution. In the Greek legal system it is driven principally by the victims and their lawyers, with the state prosecuting authorities adopting a less adversarial role.
It is not a trial of ideas. It is not seeking to ban Golden Dawn under those kinds of constitutional provisions or restrictions on speech and political organisation which exist in many countries to protect liberal democracy.
It is a criminal trial under criminal law — specifically Article 187 of the penal code introduced to deal with the prosecution of mafia and organised crime.
The leadership and organisation as a whole are also charged with running a criminal organisation which commissions and directs those violent actions in the way a mafia don controls the foot soldier directly perpetrating a crime.
It’s on that rigorous legal ground that the prosecution has sought to explore the failure over decades of the Greek state to deal with neonazism, evidence of collaboration between elements of the police and state with Golden Dawn, connections to the wider right and the necessary criminality of a neonazi organisation.
The legal logic parallels the Nuremberg process after the second world war.
We await the verdicts, but the legal and political strategy is something for all opposed to the threat of fascism elsewhere to consider.
It is in contrast to the recent failed state prosecution of the nazi-inspired NPD in Germany, for example. That was under the constitutional basic law outlawing parties which “threaten democracy” — a much more slippery and double-edged provision than penal law.
The prosecution had to be abandoned when it became clear that the penetration of the NPD by German domestic intelligence had become so unmanaged and legally dubious that the court said the defence had a good claim to being manipulated by agent provocateur actions.
The failure was a big boost for the German far right and posed some serious questions about the security state response to fascism.
That also came out — though less strongly than it ought to have — in the trial of the sole surviving member of the banned nazi terror group the National Socialist Underground in Munich.
The NSU was able for years to commit major crimes, including the murders of 10 people — a policewoman and nine immigrants.
Despite judges restricting the scope of the trial, there was strong evidence that one reason for the spectacular failure of intelligence and police agencies — in addition to racist and false assumptions that the victims were in criminal gangs — was the protection of “sources” inside the far right.
In several instances it seems these “intelligence assets” were taking state pay-offs and using them to facilitate crimes by the fascist right, to which they remained wholly committed.
Little of this or of the associations of NSU nazi terrorists and the wider far right, including its more “respectable” wing, was examined.
The enforced removal of the German equivalent of the director of MI5, Hans-Georg Maassen, this week raises further concerns as to why.
The East German city of Chemnitz saw frightening rampages by the fascist right whipping up wider layers against refugees and immigrants at the end of August. Global media reported many phone-videos, witness testimony and other evidence of a pogrom-like atmosphere. Hundreds of riot police failed to intervene to protect those attacked.
But Maassen said, incredibly, that his agency had seen no such evidence and he endorsed the false claims of the far right that Chemnitz was merely a spontaneous eruption of concerned citizens. That is despite a copycat mobilisation in another German town two weeks later where a violent core raised the chant: “National-Socialism [Nazism] now!”
It was also reported that Maassen had provided unpublished figures from the domestic intelligence to MPs of the far right AfD.
Angela Merkel’s coalition government has finally acquiesced to demands from the left for his removal, but he has been, in effect, promoted to a post in the office of hard-right Interior Minister Horst Seehofer.
His CSU party in Bavaria is shifting further to the racist right to try to stem the loss of conservative votes next month to the AfD, in which a fascisising wing is now dominant.
The episode casts light on the morphing nexus between racist demagogic politicians, the far right, actual neonazism and violent criminality and the failures, or worse, of the security state apparatus.
That apparatus has grown enormously across Europe in the wake of the war on terror. From France and its state of emergency to Germany and its bans on communists from employment by the Bonn state after WWII there is no lack of policing and intelligence powers.
The issue is a lack of political determination and a constant prejudice to see the left and immigrant communities as the threat, not the adherents of Hitlerism.
The biggest group of terror investigations in Britain in the last 12 months has been of the far right — such is the threat.
How many more might have been foiled and criminals brought to justice had the authorities not been sending spy cops into environmental and peace groups, blacklisting trade unionists or criminalising law-abiding Muslims with the Prevent strategy these last 20 years?
Frenzied anti-leftism is one common thread across the spectrum of radical and racist right-wing politics from parliamentary figures over to the neonazi terror gangs.
The distinctions between the different formations are important, but they are not absolute.
The far-right Swedish Democrats emerged from the Nordic neonazi scene, made a turn to parliamentary politics but, in the course of advancing, incubate today the most violent fascist elements on their fringes.
The AfD in Germany evolved from being a Thatcherite chauvinist response to EU bailouts for the European south to putting anti-Muslim and anti-immigrant racism at the centre and producing a leadership that is fascist.
The new communications technologies mean that it is much easier for right-wing populist
activists to form links with hardened nazis, whatever formal political affiliation they hold.
The experience of Greece shows the importance for the left and consistent democrats in highlighting the violent fascist, neonazi formations that are growing in the swamp of the transatlantic far right, boosted by Donald Trump in the US.
Of course, all far-right charlatans will seek to exploit people’s economic hardships and prevalent reactionary prejudices.
But it is not a “spontaneous” reaction of a precariously employed worker in Germany who mistakenly believes there is too much immigration to take to the streets demanding the return of the Third Reich.
That requires a hardened fascist mechanism. And we will not isolate that core mechanism from those it seeks to con unless we name it as such. Neonazism is at the heart of that mechanism from London to Lithuania.
There is a further necessity — not to yield a millimetre to racist ideas but instead to counter those lies with a militant anti-racism based upon the good sense of working people.
Horst Seehofer tries to straddle the parliamentary and fascist racist right by saying: “The mother of all problems is migration.”
He was due to speak in Frankfurt this week but was a no-show. That did not stop 6,000 people demonstrating against him.
These are the messages that must be taken to every workplace and neighbourhood — and onto the streets — across Europe.
This video from the USA about the British Labour party says about itself:
Saddest Smear Attempt Yet On Jeremy Corbyn?
18 September 2018
This video is about an ad by the Labour party. In it, party leader Corbyn criticizes the Conservative British government, and bankers and other capitalists for causing the 2008 economic crisis, and then using it as a pretext for austerity which hurts people.
Allies of the Conservative party, of United States President Donald Trump and of the Rupert Murdoch and other corporate media attacked that Labour party ad as supposedly ‘anti-Semitic’. While, as US commenter Kyle Kulinski correctly remarks in the video, the Labour ad was not about Jews at all. Not by naming them, not by any dog whistle suggestion.
A commenter on Kyle Kulinski’s video says:
The ironic part is that the people using that argument are showing themselves to be the stereotypical ones. They show that they think every single banker is Jewish. 😂
While, of course, in fact the overwhelming majority of Jews are not bankers, and the overwhelming majority of bankers are not Jewish.
This 19 September 2018 video from Kulinski’s fellow United States progressive Jimmy Dore on the same subject says:
Jeremy Corbyn Smeared As Anti Semite For Attacking Bankers
Jeremy Corbyn released a video criticizing the banks for their corruption. Eager to smear him, some have done the mental gymnastics to label this anti-Semitic.
The corporate media, Conservative politicians and Blairite right-wingers within Labour started with smearing Corbyn and the grassroots leftist movement supporting him as supposedly ‘ISIS terrorists’. That smear did not work.
And now, they resort to depicting Corbyn and the Labour party as ‘anti-Semites’. After Corbyn won the Labour leader election, twice, party membership increased strongly to over 600,000. It would be mathematically very improbable if there would not be any anti-Semitic individuals among that big number. So, the Labour party, for the first time ever for any British party, investigated possible anti-Semitism within its ranks, resulting in the Chakrabarti report, and measures to stop anti-Semitism based on it. Rightly so: that vile ideology should be stamped out in all political parties, and in public life in general.
Which British political parties neglected stopping anti-Semitism in their ranks, contrary to Labour now?
Labour then, under right-winger Tony Blair. Though under Blair many voters were driven away and many party members resigned in disgust, membership was still over 100,000. It would have been mathematically very improbable if there would not have been any anti-Semitic individuals among that number. As the Blair government practiced Islamophobia and other bigotry, and anti-Semitism thrives if other forms of bigotry get establishment support, there may have been quite some Judeophobia. Maybe as leftovers of the influence of 1945-1951 Labour right-wing Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin, accused of anti-Semitism and responsible for violently stopping Holocaust survivors from emigrating to then British Palestine; killing, eg, people on the well-known ship Exodus 1947.
In fact, the Times of Israel accused Blair’s right-wing Iraq war sidekick Jack Straw of anti-Semitism. But when Blair was Prime Minister, there was never any campaign by corporate media and Conservative politicians calling Labour anti-Semitic. The Blairite party leadership then never investigated anti-Semitism within party ranks.
Is there anti-Semitism in other British political parties? In the Conservative party? You bet in 2018. You bet in 2011. Along with recent and present Islamophobia, with racism against Roma, against Irish people, etc. A Conservative MP participated in a party at which Hitler and other German nazis were praised. Weekly The Spectator, roughly the voice of the Conservatives, recently praised Hitler’s Wehrmacht armed forces.
Is there anti-Semitism in the British Liberal Democrat party? You bet.
Is there anti-Semitism in the British Ukip party? You bet.
Is there anti-Semitism in the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), on which Conservative Prime Minister Theresa May is dependent to keep her minority administration in power? As there is much anti-women, anti-LGBTQ, anti-Roman Catholic and other bigotry in that party with its links to paramilitary terrorists, I would not be surprised.
In 1998, filmmaker Jon Ronson met up with Paisley to make a documentary … . Allegedly, Paisley made a variety of antisemitic remarks towards the filmmaker: “He had three nicknames for me — one was ‘the Jew’, another one was ‘my Jewish friend’ and the third one was ‘my circumcised friend'”, claimed Ronson.
I don’t know about the DUP situation now. Their party leadership does not investigate anti-Semitism in their ranks. They do accuse Labour of anti-Semitism.
However, as there was no campaign against Labour while it was in Tony Blair‘s hands, there is now no corporate media campaign accusing any of these parties of anti-Semitism.
And how about the corporate media themselves? Rupert Murdoch himself is an anti-Semite. Murdoch’s media practice anti-Semitism, and other forms of racism. The Daily Mail, now joining in accusing Corbyn and Labour of anti-Semitism, has a record of supporting Sir Oswald Mosley’s anti-Semitic British nazis, of supporting apartheid in South Africa and of still spouting racism now.
And I am not even talking of anti-Semitism and other racism of the United States Donald Trump administration, and ex-members of it like Steve Bannon, allies of many of the people attacking Labour now.