Greek nazis’ anti-refugee violence


This video from Greece says about itself:

Scuffles on Chios over overcrowded migrant camp

15 September 2016

A demonstration [by Golden Dawn neonazis] against the Greek government’s handling of the migrant crisis turned violent on the island of Chios on Wednesday night (September 14).

The Golden Dawn nazis bring reinforcements from elsewhere in Greece to Chios for their anti-refugee violence. They even bring reinforcements from other countries: a delegation of politicians of the Belgian extreme right Vlaams Belang party joined Golden Dawn on Chios during the violence. Vlaams Belang MP Filip Dewinter did a speech at a Golden Dawn meeting on Chios.

By John Vassilopoulos:

Greek fascists attack refugee camp

24 November 2016

Dozens of refugees were forced to flee the Souda refugee camp on the island of Chios last Thursday after a brutal attack by Golden Dawn members.

According to reports, the attack began at around 9:30 pm and lasted until the early hours of the morning. The fascists threw petrol bombs, large boulders and fireworks into the camp from surrounding elevated areas. A 42-year-old Syrian man was assaulted and a Nigerian boy was injured by one of the rocks. Three tents were burnt down and three more were damaged.

Afraid to return to the camp, the refugees that fled slept at the fishing market that night when temperatures dropped to 8 degrees Celsius. Many were still there three days later, according to reports.

On learning of the attacks, a group of aid workers rushed to help the refugees. One of these, Alexandros Panagiotakis, told CNN Greece that the group “came upon around 150 migrants at the fish market where they had sought safety from the far-right attackers. [Another aid worker and I] went to get our cars so that we could transport the migrants to a safer place.”

On their way to get their cars Panagiotakis and his colleague were set upon by a mob of 30 Golden Dawn members, who attacked them verbally and physically. “They threw us down and started to kick and swear at us,” said Panagiotakis. “They stopped only when a riot police squad arrived. They hit me on my sides and legs and the girl [the other aid worker] was semi-conscious. We were taken immediately to hospital.”

Similar attacks had taken place the previous evening, when Golden Dawn members armed with makeshift clubs and crowbars attacked refugees outside the Souda refugee camp while large stones were also thrown into the camp. According to reports a 25 year-old Algerian man is still in intensive care after being hit in the head.

In covering the events, the media lay the blame on the refugees by claiming that the troubles on Wednesday evening began after a group of migrants broke into a fireworks shop and then reportedly proceeded to set them off towards police and local residents. Refugees who spoke to Greek daily I Efimerida Ton Syntakton (Ef.Syn.) paint a different picture and claim that the trouble started two hours before when a group of locals attacked a group of Algerians sitting at the Chios public park. “The group had firecrackers and started to throw them [at the refugees] for no reason,” said a Syrian refugee.

The wave of violence was in fact stoked by the visit of Golden Dawn MPs Ilias Kasidiaris and Yiannis Lagos to Chios on Tuesday, where they spoke at a public meeting that evening calling for mass deportations of all refugees and migrants. This was part of a wider tour with a similar event taking place on the neighbouring island of Lesbos. Kasidiaris and Lagos were accompanied by a delegation of parliamentarians from Belgium, members of the Flemish far-right Vlaams Belang party.

There are currently more than 16,000 refugees and migrants being detained in refugee camps on Greek islands in the Aegean, while existing infrastructure is only adequate for around 7,500 people. The overwhelming majority have fled from the imperialist-driven conflicts in Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan. In Chios alone there are 4,000 refugees and migrants–nearly four times more than the current capacity.

Overcrowding is directly linked to the March agreement between the European Union and Turkey, which stipulates that Turkey take back all refugees who come across the Aegean to Greece. As a result, refugee camps in Greece have become internment camps of people–most of whom are destined to be deported back to Turkey after their cases have been assessed. The process is extremely slow, and meanwhile arrivals continue to flow in, which places even more pressure on existing infrastructure. According to figures from the International Organisation for Migration (IOM), nearly 3,000 people crossed into Greece from Turkey in the last four weeks alone.

The Golden Dawn meetings sought to exploit tensions among sections of the local population, partly due to the increase in petty theft as a result of the economic desperation of the migrant and refugee population and partly due to the effects the refugee crisis has had on the tourist industry, the backbone of the local economy. Their timing was also designed to cause maximum provocation, given that they coincided with the commemoration of the student uprising against the military junta on November 17, 1973.

A counter-protest was held that same evening in Chios, with around 200 people holding a march through the island’s main town towards the Grecian Castle Hotel where the Golden Dawn meeting was taking place. The demonstrators’ path was blocked by riot police.

According to various accounts from eyewitnesses, the attacks on Wednesday and Thursday were carried out under the nose of the police, despite their having been officially placed on high alert since the Golden Dawn meeting on Tuesday. Riot police only intervened to stop Thursday’s attacks on the camp in the early hours of the morning, after they had gone on for five hours. There was a notable delay in police intervening in the attack on the two aid workers, which took place a few metres away from two patrol cars.

Tolerance of far-right attacks by the Greek police, delaying intervention or letting perpetrators get away, is a common occurrence. Golden Dawn enjoys substantial support among officers, especially in riot police units. Three years ago rapper Pavlos Fyssas was murdered in Keratsini by a Golden Dawn member while police stood near-by and did nothing.

The police have arrested none of the perpetrators. The only people arrested so far were 37 refugees and three foreign aid workers during the altercations on Wednesday evening.

In a speech to his parliamentary group, Golden Dawn leader Nikos Michaloliakos openly defended the attacks while railing against the “progressive journalists of this country who lay the blame at the door of far-right elements.” He added, “You know what? Yes! For them every Greek that resists is a Golden Dawn member. For us that’s a badge of honour. Golden Dawn is the national defence of Greece.”

Like their far-right counterparts throughout Europe, Golden Dawn has been emboldened by the victory of the fascistic Donald Trump in the United States—which Michaloliakos referred to in his speech as “a true victory against globalisation.”

Refugee mother and children die in fire in Lesbos refugee camp: here. And here.

Greek fascist ex-dictator Pattakos dies


This video is called 08/09/1975: GREECE: A YEAR AFTER THE COLONELS.

By John Vassilopoulos:

Stylianos Pattakos (1912-2016): Leader of Greece’s CIA-backed military junta

7 November 2016

Stylianos Pattakos, the last surviving leader of the 21 April 1967 coup that imposed a seven-year military dictatorship in Greece, died from a stroke in his Athens home on October 8, one month before his 104th birthday. Brigadier-General Pattakos was one of the three masterminds of the coup, alongside Colonels Giorgos Papadopoulos and Nikolaos Makarezos.

As Interior Minister between 1967 and 1971 and Deputy Prime Minister between 1971 and 1973, Pattakos was the junta’s number two after Papadopoulos. Under his watch, 87,000 people were arrested without charge and tortured while in custody, and 10,000 political prisoners were rounded up and incarcerated, many on the concentration camp on the island of Gyaros. At least 22 people died while in custody due to torture, while many others died of their injuries after being released.

The regime carried out targeted assassinations of nearly 100 people, while around 4,500 were tried by court martial.

Pattakos defended the crimes of the junta of the colonels to the end. One high-profile case was that of Major Spiros Moustaklis, an Army officer arrested in May 1973 as a member of an anti-junta conspiracy led by naval officers. Moustaklis was detained for 47 days and repeatedly tortured, resulting in paralysis and loss of speech. Years later, during an interview, Pattakos stated that Moustaklis “got what he deserved,” adding that “force is imposed by any means. What can’t be untied must be cut with a sword.”

Pattakos was born on November 8, 1912 on the island of Crete to a farming family in the small village of Ayia Paraskevi. He graduated from the Evelpidon Military academy in 1937 with the rank of Second Lieutenant in the Cavalry.

During the Axis Occupation of Greece in World War II, Pattakos joined the “Omiros” resistance organisation, supervised by the Cairo-based Inter-Services Liaison Department (ISLD), an intelligence-gathering organisation established by the British overseas spy agency MI6. He took part in the 1946-1949 Greek Civil War on the side of the US and British forces, commanding an armoured company in Northern Greece …

He steadily rose through the ranks, so that by the time of the coup, he was commander of the armoured division training school in Goudi, an Athens suburb. This post was of strategic importance, since it was on his orders that tanks were sent in the early hours of the morning to take control of communication centres, the parliament and the royal palace, thus gaining complete control of the city.

Plans for a coup had long been in the offing. Since 1965, Armed Forces Head General Grigoris Spandidakis had begun to appoint those officers who were to take part in the coup to key posts. The aim of the coup, planned with the US Embassy and the CIA station in Greece, was to prevent the elections scheduled for May 1967, the chief beneficiaries of which were predicted to be the liberal Centre Union Party and the United Democratic Left (EDA) …

The fear in ruling circles was that a coalition government of these two parties could shift Greece’s foreign policy towards neutrality between NATO and the Soviet Union.

Under the plan of the so-called Generals’ coup, Greek King Constantine was to declare martial law and suspend parliament in order to prevent the poll from taking place. In the end, the coup was unilaterally set in motion by lower-ranking officers, who feared that vacillations of the army leadership and the king in imposing martial law would prevent them for moving fast enough to halt the elections.

To some of his co-conspirators who were getting cold feet at the last minute, Pattakos reportedly said: “Listen here gentlemen, I have already set tanks in motion, I can’t order them back. I will move alone, and whoever wants can follow.”

After the fall of the junta in July 1974, Pattakos and the other leaders of the regime were put on trial. In August 1975, the court found them guilty of high treason and sentenced them to death by firing squad. These sentences were later commuted to life imprisonment by the conservative New Democracy (ND) government of Constantinos Karamanlis.

In 1990, Pattakos was released from prison on humanitarian grounds by the ND-led Mitsotakis government due to an apparent “imminent danger to his health.” This was, of course, a juridical fraud that allowed Pattakos to return to political life. He lived for another quarter century and wrote a number of autobiographical works. For a time, he authored a regular column in the far-right newpaper Eleftheros Kosmos, as well as giving a series of TV and newspaper interviews.

Far-right circles cultivated a myth that Pattakos and the other junta leaders selflessly sacrificed themselves for the good of Greece. They pointed to Pattakos’ relatively modest personal standard of living, due to his conviction after the fall of the junta—though, while in power during the junta, he awarded lucrative construction projects to his brother-in-law, Andreas Meintasis, who became very rich.

At the end of his life, Pattakos supported the violent, neo-Nazi Golden Dawn party. He told Parapolitika in 2012, “Golden Dawn is here to stay,” as it “is the only party that is up to the challenge.” Golden Dawn sent an official delegation to Pattakos’ funeral, including MP Konstantinos Barbarousis as well as local Golden Dawn officials.

Greek nazis on trial for murdering rapper


This video says about itself:

Nazi Sunset Golden Dawn – trailer

13 February 2014

Why would you vote for the political descendants of murderers? Across Greece, villages that were once destroyed by the Nazis and their Greek collaborators are now voting to give Neo-Nazis power. Tracing the direct line between Nazism and Golden Dawn, this film provides a unique insight into the party. It is a terrifying look at Greek Nazi history in all its horror and why political memory is so important. How can the Greeks have forgotten their past so quickly?

By Robert Stevens:

Murder trial implicates leadership of fascist Golden Dawn in Greece

13 October 2015

The mother of slain anti-fascist hip-hop musician Pavlos Fyssas testified last week in the trial of members of Greece’s fascist Golden Dawn (Chrysi Avgi) party, who stand accused of having carried out her son’s murder.

Top Golden Dawn figures, including leader Nikos Michaloliakos, are accused of being part of a criminal organisation. Their trial is being held at a purpose-built court in Korydallos Prison, Piraeus, where Michaloliakos and five other Golden Dawn parliamentary deputies have been in custody since late 2013.

Fyssas was surrounded by a group of Golden Dawn members and stabbed to death in September 2013, at a café in Keratsini, near Piraeus. Golden Dawn member Giorgos Roupakias is charged with the murder.

On October 6, Fyssas’ mother, Magda, described Roupakias as “a trained killer.” Roupakias arrived in a car at the café with three other people, but dozens of Golden Dawn members and supporters were already there, she explained. “They cornered [Pavlos] and then the murderer came and stabbed him. He got out of the car and stabbed him twice in the heart.”

She believed Golden Dawn parliamentary deputy Yiannis Lagos played a central role in her son’s murder. “Lagos gave the order. He gave the OK,” Magda said, adding that Michaloliakos had “the ultimate responsibility.”

The same day as Magda gave her testimony, the Efimerida ton Syntakton newspaper posted a video showing Giorgos Patelis, the leader of Golden Dawn’s Nikaia branch, telling a crowd of party supporters about a planned attack at an upcoming fair. In the video, which was not allowed to be heard in court, he states that before the attack can go ahead the order had to come from Lagos.

On the night of Fyssas’s murder, Patelis spoke on the telephone with Lagos.

In the video, whose origin and date are not yet known, Patelis tells Golden Dawn supporters to be ready for an attack at a fair on August 15. He states, “Certain people will get a message on the 15th of the month. … If I get the OK from Lagos. If I don’t, we don’t do it”. Patelis adds, “Whatever they tell us, we must do it.”

Describing what will happen, Patelis says, “A group of 20-30 people will leave from here fully loaded… Nothing will be left standing, nothing! Anything that moves gets slaughtered.”

On the second day of her testimony, Magda Fyssas revealed how Roupakias was treated with kid gloves after being arrested following the murder. She said that Roupakias told police as he was being taken into a police car, “Okay guys, I’m one of your own.”

When he was asked if he too was a police officer, Roupakias replied, “I am from Golden Dawn.”

Magda said she had inside information that when Roupakias was in the police station he was so familiar with the surroundings that police officers mistook him for an employee. When news came through that her son had died in the attack, Roupakias requested he be taken to another part of the police station. She said officers told him to walk up to the third floor on his own: “That is how familiar the environment was to him.”

Golden Dawn is brazen about the murder of Pavlos Fyssas. Just prior to September’s general election, Michaloliakos stated that the party “assumes political responsibility” for Fyssas’s murder.

Golden Dawn has been built up by the state in recent years to provide shock battalions to be hurled against the working class. It placed third in the most recent election, winning 18 seats in the 300-seat parliament with 7 percent of the vote, up slightly from 6.3 percent in January. Overall, it won 379,581 votes, down from 388,387 in January.

Golden Dawn does not have extensive support in Athens and the main urban centres. But as mass austerity has ravaged Greece’s population, it has been able to win a response from layers of the middle class and lumpen workers and youth. Recently it has been exploiting opposition to the arrival of refugees fleeing war and persecution, increasing its vote in Greece’s eastern islands including the third largest, Lesbos. But even on the island of Symi, which has only 2,000 permanent residents but has received 5,500 refugees since March, its vote only climbed from 6.5 to 10.7 percent.

Golden Dawn is clearly not a mass party, but the threat it poses to the working class is real and growing. As the trial of its members reveals, Golden Dawn has extensive ties to the state.

Last year, Panayiotis Baltakos, then cabinet secretary of Greece’s main conservative party, New Democracy, was forced to resign following leaked footage of a conversation between himself and Golden Dawn MP Ilias Kasiadiaris. Baltakos was a confidante of then Prime Minister Antonis Samaras and effectively the number two figure in his government.

Golden Dawn also has well-known ties to the police, especially its riot squad. When the party first won seats in parliament in 2012, election data revealed that close to 50 percent of police officers voted for the party.

At the height of Greece’s financial and political crisis in 2012, Golden Dawn’s members and supporters went on the rampage on an almost daily basis in Athens and other cities. The police turned a blind eye, as immigrants and political opponents were assaulted. A number of the assaults were even led by some of its parliamentary deputies.

Golden Dawn’s ties reach into the highest echelons of the state. In 2014, retired Lieutenant General Eleftherios Synadinos, who once commanded the army’s Special Forces, and Georgios Epitideios, a former director at the European Union Military Staff, stood as European Parliament candidates for the party.

According to their Golden Dawn biographies, Epitideios served as a staff officer at the Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe—the central command of NATO military forces. He served on NATO’s International Military Staff and was director of the department of crisis response and current operations of the European Union Military Staff. …

In his comments on Golden Dawn’s vote, Kasidiaris said the party would only be strengthened because of the social consequences of the further savage austerity that Syriza must impose. The Greek people “have not experienced the worst effects of the memorandum [bailout accord] or illegal immigration,” he said. “When that happens, you will see, Golden Dawn will have a radical increase in support.”