This has undoubtedly weakened the far-right and led to it being racked with internal divisions, feuding and the vying for control of organisations with potentially lucrative financial sidelines.
This clear lack of leadership and absence of one cohesive body has led to many smaller splinter groups and, the report warns, may lead to more violent confrontations on the streets.
In addition, the return of Lennon in the new guise of the German-inspired street movement Pegida UK is also a concern.
Lennon is probably the one person who could unite a large section of the far-right and, with his plausible manner and projection by sections of the mass media, secure credibility within some working-class communities.
In the past he has played up anti-Muslim, anti-immigrant rhetoric as a danger to British values and played down his previous involvement with the BNP and other far-right groups.
In Scotland we should not think that we are immune to people with such extreme attitudes — despite some of the claims made during the referendum campaign. The far-right scene in Scotland goes hand in hand with the rest of Britain.
Scotland has seen its fair share of National Front, BNP and Scottish Defence League activity on the streets of its towns and cities over the years.
Only last Saturday, Satanic Warmaster, a death metal band who use nazi insignia and references to nazism in their lyrics, played a gig in Glasgow.
The Scottish Defence League, which for many years was at pains to claim it was not racist, has had a reciprocal agreement with the extreme right, northern England-based neonazi gang, the North West Infidels, which regularly congregates in towns and cities across Scotland, England and Wales spouting extremist rhetoric mainly aimed at Muslims but also people on the left and trade unionists.
It is interesting to note that both the North West Infidels and the Scottish Defence League now openly display the Deaths Head insignia of the nazi SS, as well as that of the proscribed Combat 18, while attending demonstrations — and are able to do so under our freedom of speech laws.
A demonstration for Syrian refugees in Glasgow was violently disrupted in Glasgow late last year.
The same day, the stalls of progressive organisations in the city centre were targeted by skinheads in jackboots posting stickers of Rudolf Hess on lampposts in Buchanan Street.
We have also seen National Front candidates standing in Scotland during the most recent general election.
While such people are thankfully in a small minority, they are waiting for an issue that can shake public opinion and ignite much more widespread racist action.
After the Paris attacks by another set of extremist fundamentalists from Isis, some mosques and gurdwaras in Scotland were attacked and daubed with racist graffiti.
Fortunately no wider action occurred — probably as a result of the temporary disorganisation of the far-right in Britain.
Ultimately these people are mere pawns to be used by our ruling class in times of crisis.
A more worrying aspect of the State of Hate report was its documentation of the creeping rise of racism within mainstream media and politics.
A 2014 poll carried out by YouGov showed 58 per cent support in Scotland for the statement that immigration into Britain should be reduced.
Though less than the 75 per cent support for this position in England and Wales, it is still worryingly high — especially when combined with the 12 per cent in Scotland who viewed English people in the same light as immigrants.
David Cameron’s reference on Holocaust Memorial Day to families fleeing violence in Syria as “a bunch of migrants” is an example of the increasingly inflammatory rhetoric used by politicians who are themselves the authors of the crisis in social provision and housing.
The Immigration Act currently before Parliament will give greater legitimacy to this rhetoric, with landlords legally obliged to police the origins of tenants and penal conditions imposed on asylum-seekers and their children.
The same rhetoric will undoubtedly enter the campaign on the EU referendum which will follow very shortly after the Scottish parliamentary elections.
While Hope Not Hate does not have a position on the EU referendum, it cannot be denied that the extreme austerity measures enforced by the EU have led to an upsurge in support for far-right neonazi organisations such as Golden Dawn in Greece and its counterparts in Hungary, Austria, Finland and elsewhere. The role of the EU and fascist forces in Ukraine cannot be ignored.
Hope Not Hate in Glasgow has campaigned against TTIP, in part a product of the EU, for the same reason — that it will force down wages and conditions, break up collective bargaining, intensify competition in the labour market and inevitably lead to the further scapegoating of migrant workers.
In Scotland Ukip is already represented by one MEP, elected in 2014. It will be very important to ensure that Ukip’s anti-immigrant rhetoric does not dominate the Leave campaign, at the same time as David Cameron pumps up his own anti-immigrant rhetoric.
Scotland has deep traditions of anti-racist internationalism, annually celebrated by the STUC on St Andrew’s Day, as well as a commitment to economic democracy and workers’ solidarity that can provide an alternative vision.
Migrants do not deserve to be vilified by politicians seeking to deflect attention from the consequences of their own actions.
The trade union and labour movement must be first in line to see this does not happen.
Rab O’Donnell is secretary of Greater Glasgow Hope Not Hate.