Attracting North American birds

This video from the USA is called Backyard Bird Watching – Northeast Ohio.

From the Audubon Society in the USA:

Want to Attract Beautiful Backyard Birds? Try These Tailored Recipes

Purple Finches prefer berries while chickadees go for pie crust. Learn the right combos for the right birds here.

This time of year, many a cook is scouring cookbooks, the internet, or their grandmother’s recipe cards for the best dishes to prepare and serve at the table. We would be remiss if we didn’t share some tried and true recipes for your backyard feeders as well. Just like that pecan pie is sure to get the kids back to the table, each recipe, cooked up by Madison Audubon Society, is tailored to your favorite feathered friends.

Northern Cardinal

Sunflower seeds
Crushed Peanuts
White Bread

Purple Finch

Sunflower Seeds
Crushed Peanuts


Sunflower Seeds
Crushed Peanuts
Melon Seeds

Black-capped Chickadee

Sunflower Seeds
Shelled or Crushed Peanuts
Pie Crust

Mourning Dove

Sunflower Seeds
Bread Crumbs
Cracked Corn

White-breasted Nuthatch

Sunflower and Pumpkin Seeds
Shelled or Crushed Peanuts

Blue Jay

Sunflower Seeds
Cracked Corn
Shelled or Crushed Peanuts

For tips on how to feed birds safely, check out these guidelines.

12-year-old Tamir Rice killed, ‘independent’ investigation not independent

This video from the USA says about itself:

STILL NO JUSTICE Months After Tamir Rice Was Murdered By Cleveland Police

4 May 2015

The investigation into the shooting of 12-year-old Tamir Rice in Cleveland is ongoing, Tamir was shot in November of 2014, and authorities are still investigating. Since the investigation is ongoing the officer who murdered Tamir still hasn’t been charged with anything. Cleveland has asked Tamir Rice‘s family to drop a civil lawsuit against the police department. Ana Kasparian and Cenk Uygur discuss this latest move by Cleveland city officials and going on to talk about the impact the killing has had on Tamir’s family. …

Read more here.

As investigation enters fifth month, Tamir Rice’s mother has moved into a homeless shelter: here.

By Samuel Davidson in the USA:

Prosecutor in Cleveland police killing hired “independent” investigators who favor law enforcement

15 October 2015

Information has come to light in recent days which indicates that Cuyahoga County prosecutor Timothy McGinty is seeking to whitewash the police killing of 12-year-old Tamir Rice last November in Cleveland, Ohio.

Nearly one year since Rice’s death a secret grand jury impaneled by McGinty has yet to make a decision on charges.

Saturday night McGinty took the extraordinary step of publicly releasing two reports produced by supposedly independent experts which concluded that the shooting was “objectively reasonable.”

Both of the so-called outside experts who reviewed the killing, District Attorney S. Lamar Sims and retired FBI agent Kimberly A. Crawford, are themselves long time members of law enforcement and are well known to prosecutors as staunch defenders of the police.

Video of the police shooting, taken by a surveillance camera, refutes their conclusion and confirms that the young boy never posed a threat to the police officers or anyone else in the area. The video, which includes the minutes leading up to the shooting, shows the bored 12-year-old, playing with a toy gun in a nearly empty park on a cold and rainy November day.

Timothy Loehmann and his partner Frank Garmback arrived in their patrol car stopping within feet of Rice despite the fact that no one else was around. Loehmann exited his patrol car and shot the boy within two seconds. Neither officer made any effort to stop the bleeding or provide other medical assistance.

Sims, the senior chief deputy district attorney for Denver, Colorado who authored one of the reports, concluded that the Cleveland police officers’ actions were “objectively reasonable.”

However, Sims had already reached this conclusion when he appeared on Denver public television two months before he was hired by McGinty to investigate the legality of the Cleveland police officers’ actions.

“The community may react to facts learned later, for example, looking around the nation, say you have a 12- or 13-year-old boy, with a toy gun. We learn that later,” Sims told an interviewer last May.

“The question is, what did the officer know at the time, what should a reasonable police officer have known at the time when he or she took the steps that led to the use of physical force or deadly physical force?” he concluded.

Sims has a long history of justifying police violence. He is also listed as a contributing researcher in a report by the Denver District Attorney’s office that cleared Denver police in the shooting death of 17-year-old Jessica Hernandez this past January.

Hernandez was driving a stolen car at the time with four other teenagers inside. Police claim she ignored orders to stop, and hit an officer. The other teenagers say the officer was hit after Hernandez lost control of the car after being shot. The autopsy found that none of the shots were from close range.

The Denver DA’s report stated: “Hernandez chose to not comply with those orders. Perhaps she feared being caught driving a stolen car. Perhaps her judgment was impaired by marijuana and alcohol. We can draw these inferences from the facts. However, what is clear from the facts and needs no inference, is that her decisions created a very dangerous situation—not just to herself and to the officers, but also to her friends who were in the car with her.” No charges were filed against the officer who killed Hernandez.

Crawford, the author of the second report, is a retired Supervisory Special Agent with the FBI’s Legal Instruction Unit. Her report reads more as a defense motion to dismiss charges than an investigation for the prosecutor. She repeatedly sites court rulings that have expanded the power of the police to use deadly force even when there is no actual threat to themselves or others.

Crawford concludes her report saying, “use of deadly force falls within the realm of reasonableness under the dictates of the Fourth Amendment.”

She is well known for her strong views supporting the use of excessive violence by police officers. Local news station WKYC reports, “In a past case of police use of deadly force, Crawford’s opinion was rejected by the Department of Justice for being outside the law, ‘overly protective of law enforcement’ and going ‘too far to exonerate the use of force.’”

Lawyers for the family of Rice have denounced the two reports saying that they were produced and subsequently released to the public for the purpose of exonerating Loehmann and Garmback and set the groundwork for a decision by the grand jury not to file charges.

“It’s clear to the Rice family that these so-called experts were selected to present a point of view to defend the officer’s conduct,” Subodh Chandra, one of the attorneys representing the Rice family told The Guardian. The reports, he said had “tainted the grand jury process.”

Walter Madison, another attorney representing the family told RT that the prosecutor produced the reports to “make opinion early to soften the blow.”

“What he [McGinty] should be doing, as in any other grand jury, he should be looking to answer a simple question: ‘Is there probable cause that a crime has occurred?’ That’s it.”

12-year-old Tamir Rice killing whitewash in the USA

This video from the USA says about itself:

7 January 2015

Full video of Tamir Rice shooting incident.

CLEVELAND – Cleveland Police have released the full video of the November 22 shooting of 12-year-old Tamir Rice.

The video is the extended version of the recording from the security camera at the Cudell Rec Center. The original shortened version was available for viewing in late November.

A minute and a half after 12 year old Tamir Rice was shot by Cleveland Police officer Timothy Loehmann, Tamir’s family said his 14 year old sister, who was at the park with him, tried to run to her brother’s side.

Officers force her to the ground.

After another minute and a half, she’s placed in the back of a police car, her family says she was handcuffed.

By Niles Williamson in the USA:

The whitewash of Tamir Rice’s killing and the fight against police violence

13 October 2015

It is has been nearly one year since a police officer shot and killed 12-year-old Tamir Rice while he was playing with a toy gun in a neighborhood park in Cleveland, Ohio. Criminal charges have yet to be brought against either of the officers involved in the killing: the shooter, Timothy Loehmann, and his partner, Frank Garmback.

This weekend the Cuyahoga County Prosecutor’s office published on its web site two supposedly independent reports which both conclude that the police murder of Rice was “objectively reasonable.”

The reports are transparent efforts to deny the obvious. Surveillance video shows that the police officers rolled up to the young boy in their squad car and opened fire in less than two seconds. Rice, who was struck once in the stomach, was left by the officers to bleed on the ground without any first aid for at least four minutes. He died the next day at the hospital.

The reports, prepared by a former FBI agent and a current district attorney at the request of the prosecutor, Thomas J. McGinty, were presented to a secret grand jury that has been impaneled to decide whether or not to bring charges against Loehmann and Garmback. The outrageous decision by McGinty to selectively release reports favorable to the officers has all the markings of an attempt to whitewash the crime and condition public opinion for an exoneration.

The likelihood of Rice’s killers being charged with a crime and put on trial is extremely low; if they are brought to trial, the odds of a conviction are even lower.

While police killings are a more than daily occurrence in the United States, with most going unreported in the media, prosecutions and convictions are extremely rare. A report by the Washington Post earlier this year found that, over the past decade, only 54 officers have been charged for a fatal shooting. Of these, only 11 have been convicted. In the last three years alone, nearly 3,000 people have been killed by police.

Among the most notable exonerations in recent months was the decision by a judge in May to acquit another Cleveland, Ohio police officer, Michael Brelo, of manslaughter charges in the deaths of two unarmed individuals who were killed in a barrage of more than 130 rounds fired into their car. Last month, a local prosecutor announced that Pasco, Washington police officers would not be charged for gunning down an unarmed immigrant worker, Antonio Zambrano-Montes, in February.

These actions followed the decisions not to charge Darren Wilson, the police officer who killed Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri in August 2014, and Daniel Pantaleo, the cop who choked Eric Garner to death in July of the same year.

The latest developments in the Rice case fit into a definite modus operandi of the ruling class as it seeks to tamp down social discontent in the face of unrelenting police violence.

After a police officer commits a horrific killing, public outrage finds expression in mass protests in which justice is demanded in the form of a trial and conviction. Democratic Party politicians make disingenuous statements of concern for the deceased and promise to make serious changes that will rein in the police violence. Finally, efforts are made to prepare public opinion to accept the exoneration of the killer cop, and the killing goes on.

In instances where protests threaten to escape the control of the Democratic Party and its auxiliary organizations, the state has responded with brutal repression—as in the military-style lockdowns in Ferguson following the killing of Michael Brown and in Baltimore, Maryland this spring after the killing of Freddie Gray.

In fact, the unending series of police killings has much deeper roots. It is the festering sore of a society riven by social inequality, presided over by a ruling class that wages unending war abroad and is increasingly utilizing the methods of war to deal with social tensions within the country. The police are a critical instrument of the corporate and financial elite in the defense of its social system, capitalism.

Young people are angry and outraged by an increasingly unbearable situation and are looking for a way to fight. They understand that a society that seeks to justify the police murder of a child and hundreds of others is morally bankrupt and completely irrational.

Film on unarmed people killed by Cincinnati, USA police

This 2012 video says about itself:

Cincinnati Goddamn Video Compilation

Cincinnati Goddamn” is a feature-length documentary about police brutality, judicial misconduct, and the power of grassroots activism in Cincinnati, Ohio. The film focuses on the murders of Roger Owensby, Jr., and Timothy Thomas at the hands of Cincinnati Police.

Set against the backdrop of a successful economic boycott and a federal investigation into the city’s policing practices, this poignant and powerful story of injustice is told through first-person accounts and cinema verité footage of the surviving families’ long-suffering battle for justice.

From The Lantern in Ohio, USA:

“Cincinnati Goddamn” brings audience attention to police brutality and social change

By Japera Benson

September 3, 2015

With the riots in Ferguson, Missouri and the debate of Black Lives Matter versus All Lives Matter, the documentary “Cincinnati Goddamn” came at an opportune time. “Cincinnati Goddamn” covers 15 unarmed black men killed by the Cincinnati Police Department, primarily focusing on the untimely deaths of Roger Owensby Jr. and Timothy Thomas. Though taking place from 1995 to 2001, its relevance is still seen 14 years later.

This music video is called Nina Simone – Mississippi Goddam. Recorded in the Netherlands in 1965.

The name of the film alludes to this Nina Simone song.

On Wednesday night, more than 1,000 people came to view the film at Ohio State’s Wexner Center for the Arts. The event was also live streamed at the Mansfield campus.

This film examined the negative relationship between the citizens of Cincinnati and the Cincinnati Police Department. The film also covered the trials of the police officers charged with killing the men and the rioting that followed the officers’ acquittals. “Cincinnati Goddamn” followed the long-lasting impact of the victims’ families and, ultimately, the city of Cincinnati.

Following the film, there was a Q&A session with April Martin and Paul Hill, co-directors of the film; Iris Roley, a community activist and monitor of the Cincinnati Police-Community Collaborative Agreement; and Rhonda Williams, the director of the Social Justice Institute at Case Western Reserve University. Treva Lindsey — an OSU assistant professor in the Department of Women’s, Gender and Sexuality Studies — served as the moderator.

During the Q&A session, Williams said they are looking for ways to enforce “education instead of militarization of police forces.”

Martin said that she hopes for “the police to be part of, or at least understand the community they work in.” Martin added that if that doesn’t work, “(we) can start to police our own communities.”

“Cincinnati really started it all and it really goes hand-in-hand with the events happening in Ferguson, Missouri,” said Ginette Rhodes, a first-year in exploration, that was in attendance.

Rhodes is from the St. Louis area herself. She noted that she thought the film was very powerful and that it should be used as an educational tool to help people understand police brutality and affect change.

Hannah Sanders, a first-year in business and a Cincinnati native, was also in attendance.

“I was only 3-years-old when it happened, so I’ve grown up hearing about it, but I’ve never seen it like that,” Sanders said.

Co-director Hill said he foresees “Cincinnati Goddamn” to be available on DVD or online sometime next year.

In the wake of the Black Lives Matter movement, white people are coming to consciousness about white supremacy and looking for ways to take action for racial justice: here.

Cleveland policeman aims gun at unarmed African American women

Cleveland policeman aims gun at unarmed African American women

From Countercurrent News in the USA:

Cleveland Cop Photographed Aiming Gun At Two Unarmed Black Women At Scene of Car Accident

August 6, 2015 10:35 am·

The Cleveland Police can’t seem to stay out of the news lately. Now, after a “rough year” from the Tamir Rice fall out, and the Officer Brelo trial, the department is catching heat for a photo that went viral over the weekend.

That image clearly showed a Cleveland police officer drawing his weapon and aiming it at two African American women. The women were completely unarmed and non-aggressive. They were at the scene of a hit and run traffic accident, according to a spokesperson for the Cleveland Police Department, who responded to this image on Monday.

The image first hit the Internet on Sunday, when it was posted to Reddit.

The image was shared via a photo from the Imgur service and has now been viewed million of times.

The picture shows the Cleveland officer on a motorcycle, ducking behind the vehicle and aiming his pistol at the two women. Both women seem surprised and shocked that the officer would be aiming a weapon at them, when they clearly had done nothing to warrant such violent aggression.

Sandra Bland, other African American women, and police

This video from the USA says about itself:

Reader Request: #SayHerName

1 June 2015

The following is an excerpt from the article, ‘Say Her Name’ Turns Spotlight on Black Women and Girls Killed by Police.’

‘“Black lives matter.” For the past nine months, this rallying cry has permeated street corners, protests, tweets, news conferences, and even the cover of Time magazine.

Last August, the killing of 18-year-old Michael Brown by a Ferguson, Missouri, police officer kick-started the efforts of activists protesting against police brutality and violence. By now, the names Eric Garner, Mike Brown, Tamir Rice, and Freddie Gray have become synonymous with the Black Lives Matter movement. But solely focusing on their stories has come at the expense of another group affected by police violence: black women.

[It was co-founded by three black activists: Alicia Garza, Patrisse Cullors, and Opal Tometi.]

Rachel Gilmer, associate director of the African American Policy Forum, says the reason black women’s stories are excluded from the discussion is simple.

“Across the board, all the way up from the White House’s My Brother’s Keeper initiative down to the grassroots movements that we’ve seen rise in this country in response to state violence, men and boys are seen as the primary target of racial injustice,” she says. “This has led to the idea that women and girls of color are not doing as bad, or that we’re not at risk at all.”

African American women are three times more likely to be incarcerated than their white counterparts, and young black girls are suspended from school at six times the rate of their white female peers.

Indeed, in light of the challenges black women and girls face, the AAPF recently coauthored a policy brief and launched a social media campaign titled “Say Her Name.” The effort aims to amplify the stories of African American women and girls who have been victims of police violence.

“We wanted to launch ‘Say Her Name’ to really uplift the lives and experiences of those who have been killed by police and the many other forms of police violence black women experience,” Gilmer explains, noting that officer-involved sexual assault often garners little response.

On Thursday, thousands of protesters took to the streets across the nation to amplify the names of black female victims of state violence. In San Francisco, a group of topless black women took the streets to demand justice for slain black women. In New York City, thousands flooded the streets to uplift women such as Rekia Boyd, Shelly Frey, Yvette Smith, Mya Hall, Kendra James, Natasha McKenna, and Aiyana Stanley-Jones, who was just seven when she was killed by police.

The AAPF report noted that the controversial stop-and-frisk policing tactic, which is used by law enforcement officers across the nation, tends to be associated with males of color. However, in New York City, where the policy has been deemed unconstitutional because it unfairly profiles blacks and Latinos, 53.4 percent of all of women stopped by NYPD officers were black, and 27.5 percent were Latino. The numbers of black women accosted by law enforcement is on par with their black male counterparts, yet women are often absent from the discussion about police overreach.

These demonstrations are meant to address the violence against Black women and reinforce an often forgotten truth: Black women’s bodies are NOT for consumption or commodification.’

Thanks for watching.

By Terrell Jermaine Starr, AlterNet in the USA:

These 8 stats reveal just how badly the police state hurts black women

31 July 2015 at 23:34 ET

The outrageous shooting death of Sam Dubose by a Cincinnati cop is grabbing the headlines, but nearly two weeks after Sandra Bland died in a Texas jail after being stopped and brutally arrested for a minor traffic violation, her questionable detainment makes it clear that the criminal justice system is often as brutal to black women as it is to black men. As AlterNet recently reported, Texas State Trooper Brian Encinia overstepped his authority when he asked Bland to put out her cigarette, prolonging and escalating the stop.

Social media reactions to Bland’s stop, however, have been divided, in part along racial lines. Many white people have argued that Bland would have left the stop untouched had she simply not given Texas state trooper Brian Encinia an “attitude.” Black people, overwhelmingly, have pointed out that white women regularly engage police officers just as Bland did, yet don’t have to fear being abused for doing so.

Critics point to a New York Daily News photo of a white woman breast-to-chest with an NYPD officer and a video of a white woman defiantly challenging an officer during a traffic stop as offering sharp contrasts with Bland’s treatment, and anecdotal examples of how law enforcement treats white and black women differently.

Julia Jordan-Zachery, a professor of political science at Providence College whose research focuses on the treatment of black women in the criminal justice system, says Bland’s story and ultimate death is another example of the myth of the strong black woman, who somehow is impervious to pain.

“It wasn’t possible for anyone to understand that she could have been in pain,” Jordan-Zachery told AlterNet. “What we know from literature is that black women are somehow so strong that we can’t even experience physical pain or that our tolerance level for pain is so high that no one ever listens to black women when we say we are experiencing pain.”

Breea C. Willingham, assistant professor of criminal justice at State University of New York in Plattsburg, echoed Jordan-Zachery’s analysis, saying that the disregard for black women’s bodies by American law enforcement dates back to America’s inception.

“From slavery days, during the Civil Rights Movement, and the history of black women in America, black women’s bodies were never really their own,” Willingham, who is currently working on a book that addresses the treatment of black women in prison, told AlterNet. “We’re always under surveillance. If you take the case of 15-year-old Dejerria Becton, in McKinney, Tex., where the cop slammed her on the ground in her bikini, knee in the back of her head, that’s just one example of the fact that there is no regard for our bodies.”

A major barrier in understanding the ways in which the criminal justice system treats black women is the dearth of research on the subject. While statistics on how law enforcement engage black men are plentiful, similar data on black women is limited. But Bland’s death has sparked a rare national conversation that’s forcing the country to take a closer look at how law enforcement and the criminal justice system treat black women.

AlterNet was able to find eight statistically-backed ways in which law enforcement disproportionately abuses black women, despite limited scholarly research devoted to the issue.

Below are some of the most glaring findings, along with some commentary from Willingham and Jordan-Zachery.

1. Black women make up 6 percent of San Francisco’s population, yet made up 45.5 percent of all women arrested there in 2013.

San Francisco is known as perhaps the most liberal and inclusive city in all of America, but that reputation means little for the black women its police department places in handcuffs. According to the Center for Juvenile and Criminal Justice, black women have been arrested at higher rates than other races of women in the city for the last 23 years at least. In every major arrest category, including possession, prostitution, weapons, drug felonies and marijuana, black women far outpace other races of women. Perhaps the most notable arrest disparity cited in the report is that arrest rates of black women in San Francisco are four times higher than the rest of California.

2. In New York City and Boston schools districts, black girls are suspended and expelled at much higher rates than white girls.

During the 2011-2012 school year, 90 percent of all girls suspended were black, according to a recent report titled, “Black Girls Matter: Pushed Out, Overpoliced and Underprotected.”  Not one white girl was suspended that year. Boston was no better. Sixty-three percent of the girls subjected to expulsion were black during the same time frame, but no white girls were suspended.

“As public concern mounts for the needs of men and boys of color through initiatives like the White House’s My Brother’s Keeper, we must challenge the assumption that the lives of girls and women—who are often left out of the national conversation—are not also at risk,” Kimberlé Crenshaw, the study’s lead author, said.

3. Black women were locked up in state and federal prisons at more than twice the rate of white women.

Overall, black women make up 30 percent of the prison population, despite being 14 percent of the U.S. population, according to the American Civil Liberties Union. There are a wide range of reasons why these disparities exists. A Huffington Post article cites a lack of economic resources, familial support, and systematic oppression as driving actors.

It is difficult to unpack that 30 percent figure because not much research is devoted to understanding black women and incarceration, and policymakers feel no pressure to allocate resources to understanding the issue. Jordan-Zachery says this is due to the either-or politics policymakers engage in. Under this model, they can only address the issues of black men or black women, with women normally being left out.

“We can either talk about black men under the umbrella of black politics, or we can talk about black women,” she said. “We can’t talk about both simultaneously. What I suggest is that it is not a politics of either or. It’s a politics of both and. We have to expand our understanding of politics in a way that sometimes go against the American understanding of politicians that leads us to make false choices. When we include black women, what we’re actually doing is expanding our politics.”

4. Black mothers in New Jersey are more likely than their white counterparts to be deemed “unfit parents.”

New Jersey Public Radio learned through its own investigation that the children of black mothers are four times more likely to be placed in foster care than the children of white mothers. Black children make up just 14 percent of the state population but account for 41 percent of those entering foster care. The report found that even if the mothers are at similar economic levels, the black mothers were still viewed as more unfit that white moms, so this is not a class issue.

Oronde Miller, of the Alliance for Racial Equity in Child Welfare, cited a Texas analysis of unfit parents that reveals poverty was not at play when that state found more black moms unfit than white moms. Instead, he argued that authorities were racially biased in determining who was deemed a good or bad parent.

Nationally, pregnant black women are ten times more likely to be reported to child welfare services for drug use than white women, according to the Drug Policy Alliance.

Jordan-Zachery says this data should inform us on how society views black motherhood.

“Even when we’re seen, we’re seen in a very negative way to justify punishment,” she said. “So, no matter what black women do, we become criminal elements.”

Laura Browder, a Texas mom who had to take her children with her to a child interview at a mall, was arrested for child endangerment a few weeks ago. This despite the fact that her children were a mere 30 feet away from her. We can only wonder if she would have been taken into custody for the same thing if she was white.

“Here’s a woman following the so-called rules, to use policymakers’ language,” Jordan-Zachery said. “But in that case, she is still seen as a criminal. What makes her criminal? What makes her criminal in this case is poverty and a lack of child care. This is another element of invisibility. What are you supposed to do? If you leave your children at home, you become a criminal. If you take your children with you, you become a criminal. So, what are black women suppose to do? Not work? If we don’t work, then we become the stereotype.”

5. Dark-skinned black women receive stiffer prison sentences in North Carolina than light-skinned black women for comparable crimes.

In a study titled “The Impact of Light Skin on Prison Time for Black Female Offenders,” researchers found that black women who were perceived to be lighter skinned received sentences that were 12 percent lower than darker skinned women.

The authors of the study researched the criminal records of black women imprisoned in the state of North Carolina between 1995 and 2009 and controlled factors such as misconduct in prison, prior records and conviction dates. What the findings reveal, the authors wrote, is that associations with whiteness play a crucial role in how black women are treated in the criminal justice system.

6. States that drug test pregnant women disproportionately jail black women.

At least 17 states consider drug use during pregnancy to be child abuse, according to Guttmacher Institute. Pregnant black women are no more likely to use drugs than white women during pregnancy, but they are reported to child welfare services for drug use at rates higher than white pregnant moms, according to a 2015 report by the Drug Policy Alliance.

The ACLU reports that the incarceration rate for black women for drug-related offenses since 1986 has increased by 800 percent, compared to 400 percent for other races of women. It is crucial to note that black and white women uses drugs at the same rate.

7. More than half of all of women stopped by the NYPD are black.

In 2013, the most recent year from which arrest data is available, black women made up 53.4 percent of all arrests in New York City. Latina women were second at 27.5 percent and white women made up only 13.4 percent.

8. Black girls make up 14 percent of the U.S. population but make up more than 33 percent of girls detained or committed at juvenile justice system.

Willingham, whose research focuses on the incarceration of black women, says we see a higher rate of black girls behind bars than white girls because they aren’t getting the same support at the juvenile level. A recent report that analyzed how the sexual abuse girls experience can lead to incarceration points out that black girls make up a third of female juveniles detained or committed. Most girls in the juvenile justice system have experienced some form of sexual assault at some point during their lives. However, Willingham says black girls are less likely than white girls to get the rehabilitative support needed to decrease their chances of recidivism.

“Even at a young age, they’re considered ‘bad,’” she said. “For white girls, it’s, ‘Oh, they just have problems, they’ll be OK. We can help them. But black girls, no. They’re just bad.’ And we don’t even get the benefit of the doubt.”

Hopefully, attention to how black women are treated by police and the criminal justice system will change that.

The only reason Americans are beginning to hear about the abuses black women experience at the hand of law enforcement is because of social media, Willingham says. In order to gather a more complete  understanding of how police brutality and incarceration impacts black women, more research has to be done. But the recent deaths of Sandra Bland, Kendra and, as of Sunday, Ralkina Jones, all symbolize that black women face many of the same kinds of law enforcement abuse as black men.

“Whether they’re slamming us to the ground or manhandling us, throwing us in jail and finding our dead bodies in them, there is no regard for us,” Willingham said. “It’s just like throwing the trash out. That is how I see the criminal justice system treats black women. It’s just taking the trash out.”

Bland Case, Other Jail Deaths Show Black Women Also Fear Police Violence: here.

Sandra Bland Driving While Black tells the UGLY story of how Black People Are Targeted: here.

Sandra Bland Protests In Minneapolis: ‘Black Lives Matter’ Demonstrators Take To The Streets: here.

The University of Cincinnati put police officers Phillip Kidd and David Lindenschmidt on paid administrative leave Thursday for the course of an internal investigation into their reports of the July 19 killing of Samuel DuBose by officer Ray Tensing. The family of DuBose has demanded that Kidd be charged for making false statements on a police incident report, claiming that he saw DuBose’s car dragging Tensing. This came after the release of the two officers’ body camera footage, in which they can be heard corroborating Tensing’s false claim that he only shot DuBose after being dragged by his car: here.

Police kill unarmed African American about car licence plate

This video from Ohio in the USA says about itself:

Samuel Dubose: Family demands transparency after man killed by university police officer

22 July 2015

The family of Samuel Dubose rallied outside Cincinnati City Hall, demanding transparency after he was shot and killed by University of Cincinnati Police Officer Ray Tensing.

From in the USA:

University of Cincinnati police kill unarmed black man during routine traffic stop

by German Lopez on July 23, 2015, 10:20 a.m. ET

A Cincinnati traffic stop over a missing front license plate turned deadly on July 19 when a campus police officer shot an unarmed black man in the head.

University of Cincinnati (UC) police officer Ray Tensing, who is white, fatally shot Samuel Dubose, a 43-year-old black man, after a brief struggle during the traffic stop. The shooting has once again highlighted racial disparities in police use of force — an issue that’s become a matter of national protests and debates since the police shooting of unarmed 18-year-old Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, last August.

Dubose was stopped for missing a front license plate

Tensing, who has five years of experience in law enforcement, stopped Dubose around 6:30 pm when he noticed Dubose’s car didn’t have a front license plate. Tensing asked for a driver’s license, but Dubose handed him a bottle of alcohol, police said at a news conference. Tensing then asked Dubose to step out of the vehicle, at which point a struggle ensued at the door of the car.

The vehicle began moving forward, and Tensing was knocked to the ground, NBC News’s M. Alex Johnson reported. He fired a single shot at Dubose, hitting him in the head and killing him. The car rolled for about a block before it crashed, police said, according to CNN’s Ralph Ellis, Don Melvin, and David Shortell.

Tensing was reportedly wearing a body camera. But police won’t release footage from the device until the investigation is complete.

Mayor John Cranley said at a news conference that the city’s police department will work with UC to update and improve training and policies on use of force. “As a general matter, a pullover related to a license plate should not in a normal course of events lead to lethal force … as it has in this case,” he said.

UC has an agreement with the Cincinnati Police Department to help patrol areas around the campus.

The university police department’s use of force procedure states that campus officers “should not discharge a firearm at or from a moving vehicle except as the ultimate measure of self-defense or defense of another when the suspect is using deadly force,” according to CNN.

City police and Hamilton County prosecutor Joe Deters are investigating the shooting. Tensing is on administrative leave with pay while the investigation continues.

Black suspects are much more likely to be shot and killed by police

police shooting by race

Joe Posner/Vox

An analysis of the available FBI data by Vox’s Dara Lind shows that US police kill black people at disproportionate rates: They accounted for 31 percent of police shooting victims in 2012, even though they made up just 13 percent of the US population. Although the data is incomplete, since it’s based on voluntary reports from police agencies around the country, it highlights the vast disparities in how police use force.

Black teens were 21 times as likely as white teens to be shot and killed by police between 2010 and 2012, according to a ProPublica analysis of the FBI data. ProPublica reported: “One way of appreciating that stark disparity, ProPublica’s analysis shows, is to calculate how many more whites over those three years would have had to have been killed for them to have been at equal risk. The number is jarring — 185, more than one per week.”

Subconscious racial biases, known as implicit biases, may explain the disparities. Studies show, for example, that officers are quicker to shoot black suspects in video game simulations. Josh Correll, a University of Colorado Boulder psychology professor who conducted the research, said it’s possible the bias could lead to even more skewed outcomes in the field. “In the very situation in which [officers] most need their training,” he said, “we have some reason to believe that their training will be most likely to fail them.”

There were several high-profile police killings in the past year involving black men and boys. In Ferguson, Darren Wilson killed unarmed 18-year-old Michael Brown. In Ohio, police killed 22-year-old John Crawford and 12-year-old Tamir Rice in separate shootings after mistaking toy guns for actual weapons. In New York City, NYPD officer Daniel Pantaleo killed Eric Garner by putting the unarmed 43-year-old black man in a chokehold.

This November 2014 video from the USA is called Why it’s so rare for police to be prosecuted for killing civilians.

Cops can legally shoot when they reasonably perceive a threat

Police only need to reasonably perceive a threat to legally fire — and the threat doesn’t have to be actually present.

Two Supreme Court decisions in the 1980s, Tennessee v. Garner and Graham v. Connor, set the legal framework for determining when deadly force by cops is reasonable.

Constitutionally, “police officers are allowed to shoot under two circumstances,” David Klinger, a University of Missouri St. Louis professor who studies law enforcement officers’ use of force, said in August. The first circumstance is “to protect their life or the life of another innocent party” — referred to as the “defense of life” standard by police departments. The second circumstance is to prevent a suspect from escaping, but only if the officer has probable cause to think the suspect poses a dangerous threat to others.

The logic behind the second circumstance, Klinger explained, comes from Tennessee v. Garner. That case involved a pair of police officers who shot a 15-year-old boy as he fled from a burglary. (He’d stolen $10 and a purse from a house.) The court ruled that cops couldn’t shoot every felon who tried to escape. But, as Klinger said, “They basically say that the job of a cop is to protect people from violence, and if you’ve got a violent person who’s fleeing, you can shoot them to stop their flight.”


The key to both of the legal standards — defense of life and stopping a fleeing violent felon — is that it doesn’t matter whether there is an actual threat when force is used. Instead, what matters is the officer’s “objectively reasonable” belief that there is a threat.

That standard comes from the other Supreme Court case that guides use-of-force decisions: Graham v. Connor. This was a civil lawsuit brought by a man who survived his encounter with police officers but was treated roughly, had his face shoved into the hood of a car, and broke his foot — all while suffering a diabetic attack. The court didn’t rule on whether the officers’ actions had been justified, but said police couldn’t justify their conduct solely based on whether their intentions were good. They had to demonstrate that their actions were “objectively reasonable,” given the circumstances and compared with what other police officers might do.

What’s “objectively reasonable” changes as the circumstances change. “One can’t just say, ‘Because I could use deadly force 10 seconds ago, that means I can use deadly force again now,'” Walter Katz, a California attorney who specializes in oversight of law enforcement agencies, said in August.

In general, officers are given a lot of legal room to use force without fear of punishment. The intention behind these legal standards is to give police officers leeway to make split-second decisions to protect themselves and bystanders. And although critics argue that these legal standards give law enforcement a license to kill innocent or unarmed people, police officers say they are essential to their safety.

On Wednesday, University of Cincinnati police officer Ray Tensing was indicted by a grand jury on murder charges for the July 19 fatal shooting of unarmed 43-year-old Samuel Dubose. The indictment came three days after hundreds of protesters marched through parts of Cincinnati, converging at the University of Cincinnati Police Department to demand the arrest of Tensing: here.

This October 2014 video from the USA says about itself:

Why recording the police is so important

Dashcams and bodycams are intended to prevent police brutality. But do they help when police control the footage?