United States AFRICOM soldiers killing each other in Mali


This video from the USA says abut itself:

AFRICOM and the conflict in Mali

3 May 2012

Nii Akuetteh: Why did US trained officers organize the coup in Mali?

By Eddie Haywood in the USA:

Murder of US Green Beret by Navy Seals in Mali exposes criminal military operations in West Africa

15 November 2017

Two Navy Seals are under investigation for the June murder of Staff Sgt. Logan Melgar, a Green Beret, after he was found dead in a housing complex provided by the US embassy in Bamako, Mali. No charges have yet been filed against the two commandos, but the case is being investigated as a homicide.

The two Seals, Petty Officer First Class Tony E. DeDolph and Chief Petty Officer Adam C. Matthews, were flown out of the country to the United States and were placed on administrative leave.

While the circumstances are not yet completely known, several special operations sources told the Daily Beast that there was an altercation between Melgar and the two Seals at around 5 a.m. on June 4, where the three grappled, resulting in one Seal, believed to be DeDolph, choking Melgar to unconsciousness.

According to AFRICOM officials, the two Seals drove Melgar to a nearby clinic, where medical personnel declared him dead. The two Seals claimed that Melgar had been intoxicated at the time of the altercation, but Melgar’s autopsy examination report noted that no drugs or alcohol were found in his system.

Melgar, along with an unknown number of other elite commandos, were deployed to the West African nation to conduct intelligence and training operations against Al Qaeda-affiliated militants waging war against the US/French-backed government.

Reports from unnamed US officials indicate that the two Navy Seals were stealing cash from a “slush fund” set aside by the US embassy for the purpose of paying informants in the course of tracking down Islamist militants, and that Melgar had discovered the skimming operation and threatened to alert authorities. According to the source, the two Navy Seals offered Melgar a cut of the illicit funds, but Melgar declined.

In a telephone call to his wife in the States, Melgar expressed his suspicions of the two Navy Seals, saying that he had a “bad feeling” about the two, but declined to specify his misgivings, informing her that he would reveal the full story when he returned home.

AFRICOM told the media that officials immediately suspected foul play in Melgar’s death and had dispatched an investigator to Mali within 24 hours of the Green Beret’s death. A military medical examiner declared the death a “homicide by asphyxiation.”

According to the New York Times, military officials said that cash from such slush funds “have a way of going missing.” The officials also said that in Mali’s case, the amount stolen can be as much as $20,000 at any given moment, and that it is relatively easy to skim from the fund as many instances of stealing involve the faking of receipts.

The housing complex in Bamako where Melgar was staying was shared by three other elite soldiers, including the two Seals. While the number of elite commandos in Mali are not disclosed by AFRICOM, the contingent deployed to the country is estimated to be smaller than the 800 elite soldiers in neighboring Niger, and are part of a wider contingent of around 2,000 special forces overall deployed to several countries in West Africa.

For his part, Melgar was officially assigned to provide security for US Ambassador to Mali Paul Folmsbee. His “security” duties included providing intelligence on militant groups directly to Folmsbee, as well as protecting the embassy and other US personnel, and coordinating training exercises with Malian forces.

The murder of a Green Beret by two of his confederates highlights and exposes the broader criminal character of the American military offensive being waged in West Africa.

Far reaching US special operations conducted across the continent are shrouded in secrecy, and were only brought to public attention last month when an ambush by Islamist militants resulted in the deaths of four Green Berets in neighboring Niger.

The special forces troops deployed to West Africa are drawn from elite military units, including Green Berets, Navy Seals and Delta Force, and have conducted some of American imperialism’s worst crimes against humanity. The list of often illegal duties these forces carry out include assassinations, counterterrorism operations, unconventional warfare, psychological operations, and training of foreign forces that Washington desires to utilize as a proxy force for regime change operations.

In Vietnam, elite American troops engaged in torture and mass execution of civilians, including children, and the razing of entire villages. In the recent period, these forces have engaged in torture, rape and murder in Iraq and Afghanistan.

The two Navy commandos currently under investigation for Melgar’s death are drawn from Seal Team Six, the elite unit which was involved in the 2011 raid and assassination of Osama Bin Laden at his compound in Abbottabad, Pakistan.

The backdrop to the American military offensive in West Africa is the 2011 US/NATO war conducted in Libya to remove Muammar Gaddafi from power. Enlisting and utilizing Al Qaeda-affiliated fighters to conduct a regime change operation that resulted in Gaddafi’s removal and assassination, the Obama administration oversaw the complete destruction of Libyan society. The Islamist fighters spilled out from the ruins of Libya and scattered across northern African and down into the Sahel.

Washington has its military forces arrayed across West Africa not to “fight terrorism” but to secure by military force the region’s vast economic resources and working class for the profit of American corporations. West Africa possesses enormous quantities of minerals, including gold, diamonds, ore, uranium, and gas and oil deposits.

Washington is also seeking to neutralize the increasing economic influence of China on the continent, with Beijing securing investment deals in nearly every economic sector, including mining, oil and gas, agriculture and infrastructure.

With the Trump administration loosening the restrictions on the rules of engagement for US special forces in Africa, which constitutes an official absolution of any crimes committed by its soldiers, the offensive conducted in West Africa by the American military threatens to consume the region with ever great levels of violence.

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Dutch soldiers’ union questions neocolonial Mali war


This Dutch 28 September 2017 TV video is about a war game by Dutch soldiers in Mali on 6 July 2016. A malfunctioning Dutch grenade, bought in the USA, killed two soldiers and severely injured a third one.

An official investigation has now said that the Dutch government knew these grenades were faulty and dangerous, but sent them with the soldiers to Mali anyway, because they wanted to start their Mali military mission as soon as possible.

In 2011, NATO waged war on Libya. This ‘humanitarian’ war (for oil) caused extremely unhumanitarian bloodbaths, still continuing; brought back slavery, abolished in Libya in the nineteenth century, into the twenty-first century; completely ruined healthcare; ruined Libyan women’s rights, and made Libya the country with the world’s worst child abuse.

That war also caused a chain reaction of bloodbaths in other African countries. Like in Mali: in 2012, an army officer, trained by the United States AFRICOM armed forces, did a military coup d’état. The new regime killed many people who they dumped in mass graves. More bloodbaths: the French Foreign Legion arrived, infamous from colonial wars in Algeria and elsewhere. So did armies from other NATO countries. There are many minerals in Mali which may boost profits of multinational corporations. The German armed forces arrived for the German Big Business share of Mali’s neocolonial booty.

And the Dutch armed forces arrived for the Dutch share of Mali’s neocolonial spoils. The officers (some of them rather controversial) came. The privates came. And the guns and ammunition came. The Dutch government was so scared that the Dutch soldiers would arrive in Mali too late for the scramble for neocolonial spoils that they ‘forgot’ to check the quality of the firearms and ammunition.

That had consequences.

Fist, the deaths and serious injuries for these three Dutch soldiers.

And now, yesterday, the indignation about this scandal has forced the resignation of Dutch Minister Hennis of war ‘defence’ and of the commander of the armed forces.

Anne-Marie Snels, chairwoman of the Dutch soldiers’ trade union AFMP, agreed with these resignations. She also questioned yesterday on the Pauw national TV show whether Dutch military participation in the neocolonial war in Mali should continue. According to Ms Snels, the Dutch government has systematically preferred political [like neocolonial in Mali] interests to the lives of soldiers being safe.

Mali war US ammunition kills Dutch soldiers


This Dutch 28 September 2017 TV video is about a war game by Dutch soldiers in Mali on 6 July 2016. A malfunctioning Dutch grenade, bought in the USA, killed two soldiers and severely injured a third one.

An official investigation has now said that the Dutch government knew these grenades were faulty and dangerous, but sent them with the soldiers to Mali anyway, because they wanted to start their Mali military mission as soon as possible.

In 2011, NATO waged war on Libya. This ‘humanitarian’ war (for oil) caused extremely unhumanitarian bloodbaths, still continuing; brought back slavery, abolished in Libya in the nineteenth century, into the twenty-first century; completely ruined healthcare; ruined Libyan women’s rights, and made Libya the country with the world’s worst child abuse.

That war also caused a chain reaction of bloodbaths in other African countries. Like in Mali: in 2012, an army officer, trained by the United States AFRICOM armed forces, did a military coup d’état. The new regime killed many people who they dumped in mass graves. More bloodbaths: the French Foreign Legion arrived, infamous from colonial wars in Algeria and elsewhere. So did armies from other NATO countries. There are many minerals in Mali which may boost profits of multinational corporations. The German armed forces arrived for the German Big Business share of Mali’s neocolonial booty.

And the Dutch armed forces arrived for the Dutch share of Mali’s neocolonial spoils. The officers (some of them rather controversial) came. The privates came. And the guns and ammunition came. The Dutch government was so scared that the Dutch soldiers would arrive in Mali too late for the scramble for neocolonial spoils that they ‘forgot’ to check the quality of the firearms and ammunition.

That had consequences.

Translated from Dutch NOS TV today:

Mother of killed soldier is angry: “Heads should roll here”

Today, 16:37

“What I most annoyed about is that they knew,,” says Greetje Groenbroek, the mother of one of the two soldiers who died in Mali last year through a mortar grenade. “The research report had only red crosses, it was mistake afer mistake, and they had three years to check the mortars when they returned from Afghanistan. That never happened. I think it’s unimaginable.”

The son of Greetje Groenbroek died on July 6 last year, just outside the Dutch military base in Mali. During an exercise a grenade exploded. He and another mortar shooter were killed. “I’m enraged”, Groenbroek said in an interview with RTV Noord regional broadcaster. …

The [government in The] Hague knew this. This is gross negligence.
Greetje Groenbroek, mother of dead soldier

The research report of the Netherlands Security Council (OVV) shows that the Defense Department has been severely deficient in caring fpr the security of Dutch military personnel in Mali. According to the OVV, the ammunition was not safe and the acute medical care was not sufficient.

Groenbroek thinks Defense knows what kind of mortar was used. “The boys themselves did not know, but The Hague knew this.” In the proof of purchase, they could not guarantee that it was safe, and stated that the United States Americans themselves did not use it. They should have learned from that. This is gross negligence. ”

The relatives are planning to take legal action. “Defense is 100 percent responsible for the death of my son. Someone in the Defense Department consciously took the risk and acted contrarily to the recommendation. They will not get away with that as far as we are concerned.”

Whatever will follow from a possible follow-up, of one thing Groenbroek is well aware: “We will not get back our boys. My granddaughter must live her life without her father. I’m angry about that, but at first, of course, I am primarily very sad.”

Previously, the government had lied to the dead soldiers’ parents about the cause of the deaths.

Dutch soldiers’ trade union supports dead soldiers’ parents: here.

Dutch soldier killed in war game in Ossendrecht, colleagues sue government: here.

Neocolonial war in Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger


French soldier in Mali with skull mask

This photo of a French Foreign Legion soldier, part of the invasion of Mali, shows the real face of that war.

That war is not “against Al Qaeda terrorism” (supported by the French government in Libya, and still in Syria). It is not for women’s rights, human rights or secularism.

It started in support of a military dictatorship.

It brings death, mainly to Malian civilians.

This war is a neo-colonial war.

The French Foreign Legion became infamous in the nineteenth century for its atrocities while imposing colonial rule in Algeria and elsewhere. Now, it plays a role in twenty-first century neo-colonialism as well.

By Thomas Gaist:

Mali war spilling into Burkina Faso, Niger

18 July 2017

Four and a half years after the January 2013 invasion of Mali by a US-backed French force, the war is spiraling toward a larger regional conflict, prompting border closures by neighboring governments, and spurring escalations by the Western governments.

Mali’s border areas are experiencing “a significant expansion of violent extremist and terrorist activities, including coordinated cross-border attacks against security posts and ransacking of border settlements,” the United Nations top official for West Africa said Thursday.

Additionally, opposition groups staged protests over the weekend in Bamako, Mali’s capital, rallying thousands of demonstrators in the name of blocking proposed legal changes that would transfer emergency powers to the government of President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita.

Last Monday, eight Malian troops were ambushed and killed traveling between Gao and Menaka. On Wednesday, Burkina Faso armed forces clashed with heavily armed militants along the Burkina-Mali border. On Friday, Mauritania declared its northeastern border a closed, militarized area, announcing that “any individual circulating or transiting in this part of the national territory will be treated as a military target.”

On July 8, JNIM attacked a French Army base near the town of Tessalit, killing at least three French soldiers. On July 9, JNIM fighters attacked a police station in Mobti province. In March, Mali’s main Islamist factions, Ansar Dine, Al-Mourabitoun, the Massina factions and Al Qaida announced their merger into a new formation, Nusrat-ul-Islam, under the leadership of Iyad Ag Ghaly.

An Al Qaida branch in Mali known as the Support of Islam and Muslims (JNIM) attacked a Nigerian garrison near the village of Tsawah along the Mali-Niger border in June.

French President Emmanuel Macron traveled to Timbuktu at the beginning of July to discuss plans to expand the “G5 Sahel” multinational army, an imperialist proxy coalition established in February 2014, consisting of forces from the governments of Niger, Chad, Burkina Faso and Mauritania. On July 2, Macron called on the G5 coalition to contribute 5,000 soldiers in support of French military activities against “terrorists, thugs and murderers.”

“This force is first going to secure the borders, particularly in the areas where terrorist groups have developed,” French Foreign Minister Yves Le Drian told Le Monde.

“It doesn’t look like France will be pulling out of Mali anytime soon,” France 24 noted in response to the announcement.

Complementing expanding French military operations the German parliament voted in January to expand troop deployments in Mali from 350 to 1,000, making Mali the German military’s largest overseas mission.

The immediate causes of the Mali war flowed from the fallout from the 2011 US-NATO war against Libya. Beginning in January 2012, the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA), a Tuareg ethnic militia, launched an insurrection against the central government and established control over portions of northern Mali. In March 2012, a coup d’état led by government soldiers declaring themselves the National Committee for the Restoration of Democracy and State (CNRDR), removed President Amadou Toure from power. Rebel militia groups seized control of Malian cities of Gao, Timbuktu and Kidal in wake of the coup.

From January 2013, Paris responded with repeated waves of troop deployments, with backing from Washington. The 2013 invasion, “Operation Serval,” served as the spearhead for a major expansion of French militarism across the country’s former colonial holdings in West Africa.

In exchange for French “assistance” in stabilizing northern Mali, Paris demanded and received basing rights for its troops throughout the country. Previous Malian governments had been among the few regimes in Francophone Africa to resist such arrangements, limiting French military activities to small-scale training of local forces. Prior to 2013, French combat troops had been absent from Malian territory since their withdrawal following the country’s formal independence in 1960.

As part of “Operation Barkhane,” the successor to “Serval,” some 6,000 French ground troops, hundreds of armored vehicles, war planes, attack helicopters, and drones are now deployed throughout the Sahel. Additional German and French troops deployed under European Union flags in February 2014, for the official purpose of training of Malian units.

The American and European ruling elites are determined to tighten their grip over the Sahel, which is home to massive natural resource deposits, including uranium and numerous precious metals, and is speculated to have the largest untapped petroleum reserves in Africa.

Mali’s northern Taoudeni basin has been known to contain large gas and petroleum reserves since the 1970s. In 2011, the French firm Total claimed to have found “the El Dorado of petroleum reserves” in the northern desert region. A 2015 US geological analysis found that the Taoudeni Basin contains “160 million barrels of conventional oil, 1,880 billion cubic feet of conventional gas, 602 million barrels of shale oil, and 6,395 billion cubic feet of shale gas.”

Involvement by French, German and other European Union (EU) forces in the Sahel is part of “a major new direction in European security policy,” according to the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR).

For the European powers, the Sahel represents “a second front in the war on terror,” that is “building alongside a growing number of multinationals hoping to extract oil and gas reserves of Mali and Mauritania, and strong French military presence,” according to Environmental Justice Atlas. In addition to seizing control over the continent’s resources, and asserting the interests of the dominant European banks and corporations, the European powers view the militarization of the Sahel as a means to suppress the flood of refugees northward toward the Mediterranean.

These policies are aimed at reasserting the colonial order established by world imperialism during the 19th and 20th centuries. Throughout the period of “decolonization” from the 1960s onward, the economies and societies of West Africa were subordinated to the needs of French imperialism through an array of mechanisms, including control over African currency reserves and raw materials, monopoly rights for French firms in all key sectors of the economy, and permanent military and police basing arrangements on African soil.

Dozens of coups d’etat have been engineered from Paris against African governments, beginning with the assassination of Togo’s head of state, Sylvanus Olympio in 1963, who made the fatal mistake of attempting to transition Togo’s economy to its own national currency. Malian President Modiba Keita met a similar fate after seeking to leave the French currency zone in June 1962.

In 1975 and again in 1989, French military officers organized the overthrow of Chadian Presidents. In 2003, French troops toppled Central African Republic (CAR) President Ange-Felix Patasse, placing in power General Francois Bozize, after Patasse sought to expel France’s military presence from the CAR. At present, nearly 2,000 French troops are operating in Central African Republic as part of “peacekeeping mission” alongside African Union troops.

More recently, in 2009, Paris organized a coup against the Madagascar government of Marc Ravalomanana, after he sought business deals with rival imperialist interests at the expense of French corporations.

“France established military bases in Africa during the colonial period, and maintained a military presence in Africa after the ‘flag independence’ of its former colonies in the 1960s,” Gary Busch wrote in an article for Pambazuka News this week.

“These agreements allowed France to have pre-deployed troops and police in bases across Africa; in other words, French army and gendarme units present permanently and by rotation in bases and military facilities in Africa, run entirely by the French. The Colonial Pact was much more than an agreement to station soldiers across Africa. It bound the economies of Africa to the control of France,” Busch noted.

Notwithstanding the incessant rhetoric about “fighting terrorism,” the thousands of Western soldiers invading Africa are sent primarily to secure strategic interests. The stage is being set for a ferocious antagonistic struggle between the major powers for control over the continent. The coming to power of the Trump administration, with its ultra-nationalist “America First” agenda, is intensifying the inter-imperialist tensions and fueling conflicts in every sub-region of Africa.

This week saw Western media issuing ominous warnings about the dangers of piracy and terrorism in the Gulf of Guinea, Niger Delta, and the Lake Chad Basin. Some 5.2 million have already been displaced by the Western-backed Chadian-led invasion of northern Nigeria, justified in the name of “fighting” Boko Haram.

The expansion of the Mali war is an advanced expression of the tendencies toward war and social breakdown at work throughout Africa and worldwide. Two and half decades after the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the supposed “End of History,” Africa’s governments are tottering in the face of war, famine and disease. The only response of Africa’s national elites is further war preparations and deeper integration into the corporate, political and military establishments of North American and Western Europe.

3 U.S. SOLDIERS KILLED, 2 INJURED IN AMBUSH IN NIGER The Green Berets were attacked in an area known to have an insurgent presence. [Reuters]

Killings of four elite soldiers in Niger highlight vast scale of American military operations in Africa: here.

The war being conducted in West Africa by the United States in partnership with its European counterparts France and Germany, which was exposed by the killing of four US special forces soldiers in Niger earlier this month, is setting the stage for a much broader war in the region: here.

Making clear the October 4 ambush that killed four Green Berets is to be utilized as a pretext for a major escalation of American military operations in the region, Nigerien Defense Minister Kalla Mountari requested that the US deploy armed drones against reputed militants: here.

U.S. Troop Deaths in Niger: AFRICOM’s Chickens Come Home to Roost: here.

German government escalates neocolonial war in Mali


This video says about itself:

10 october 2015

Thirty years before Adolf Hitler seized power as Germany’s chancellor, German soldiers murdered up to 105,000 Herero and Namaqua tribe members in its Southwest Africa colony, now the state of Namibia.

By Johannes Stern in Germany:

Germany steps up military intervention in Mali

28 January 2017

Germany’s parliament (Bundestag) voted overwhelmingly on Thursday extend and massively expand the German army’s intervention in the West African country of Mali.

According to the motion, which was approved by parliament in its third reading, the upper limit for the number of soldiers deployed as part the UN mission in Mali, known as MINUSMA, is to be increased by 350 to more than 1,000. The limit was increased just last year from 150 to 650. The deployment is also to be extended by a year.

An additional 300 German soldiers are deployed in Mali as part of the European Union’s (EU) training mission EUTM. This means that more German soldiers will soon be stationed in the West African country than in any other country in the world. The largest intervention to date was limited to 960 soldiers in Afghanistan. In Kosovo, where the German army has been operating for 18 year, 517 soldiers are currently deployed.

The army began on Friday with the shifting of NH90 combat and Tiger transport helicopters from Leipzig-Halle airport to Mali. According to the German army, they will be used to transport and rescue injured people. In addition, operations to escort convoys and conduct surveillance are also planned.

Next Tuesday, Colonel Oliver Walter, commander of the Friesland air force regiment, will send the first new contingent into action with a military order at the former Upjever airfield. The first soldiers will be deployed on February 15. The entire contingent is then to arrive in Gao, in the dangerous and restive northern region of the country, on 1 March.

The German government is seeking to sell the mission as a humanitarian peacekeeping operation. In the government’s justification of the new mandate for the army, it states, “The stabilisation of Mali is a key focus of German engagement in the Sahel region and an important part of the German government’s Africa policy. The issue at stake is to help Mali towards a peaceful future and overcome the causes of flight and persecution.”

In reality, the German army is not leading Mali toward a peaceful future but increasingly towards terrorism and chaos. A few days ago, a fatal suicide bomb attack near a military base in Gao killed 70 people and many more were injured. “The hospital is overcrowded. There are decomposing bodies everywhere,” Arboncana Maiga, a resident of the city by telephone, told Deutsche Welle. “We have not experienced this before in Gao.”

The deterioration of the security situation in the area is so dramatic that the German army has increased its so-called risk payment to €110 per day. This corresponds to level six, the highest danger level. This only previously applied to the military intervention in Afghanistan.

All of this sheds light on the true character of the German military intervention in Mali and its background.

Germany is waging war and collaborating with an authoritarian and corrupt government to keep refugees away from Europe by detaining them in Africa. Above all it is using the unrest and refugee crisis as an excuse for enforcing its economic and geo-strategic interests on the continent, which has a large population and is rich in natural resources.

Africa was at the heart of Germany’s foreign policy shift from the outset. Just weeks after President Joachim Gauck and other leading politicians announced the end of military restraint at the 2014 Munich Security Conference, the cabinet adopted the guidelines for an Africa policy. These guidelines read like a blueprint for the exploitation of Africa by German imperialism in the 21st century.

The guidelines speak of a “growing relevance of Africa for Germany and Europe,” and this means, “The potential of Africa arises out of a demographic development with a future market with high growth rates, rich natural resources, potential for agricultural production and food security under its own control…African markets are developing dynamically and will—in the raw materials market and beyond—be for the German economy…increasingly interesting.”

The goal of the German government is therefore to increase “the political, security policy and development policy engagement of Germany.” The aim being pursued was “to act based on interests, early quickly, decisively and substantially,” which includes military interventions. The German government intended “to deploy the full spectrum of its available methods…cross-departmentally, political, security policy, development policy, regional policy, economic, academic and cultural.”

Since the publication of the guidelines, German imperialism has stepped up its efforts to impose its interests in Africa under the guise of the war on terror or combatting the “causes of flight.”

Already at the beginning of 2013, the German parliament agreed to support the French intervention in Mali and to station German soldiers in the country. Additional German interventions are currently under way in Senegal, Western Sahara, Sudan, South Sudan and Somalia.

The latest expansion of the Mali operation introduces a new stage in the return of German militarism to Africa. It is directly connected with the geopolitical shifts and mounting conflicts between the imperialist powers following the election of US President Donald Trump.

In an interview with Handelsblatt, German Defence Minister Ursula Von der Leyen demanded the “clear political will” to reach the NATO-mandated figure of 2 percent of GDP for defence spending and not lose any time with military rearmament. “Ships, helicopters, armoured vehicles, personnel—even when the money is there, they still need to be built or recruited and trained.”

At the same time, Von der Leyen explained that European governments had to readjust their foreign policy and “ensure security in our region as Europeans.” With reference to Africa that meant “supporting African states to bring the growing population in correspondence with the expanding economy and stabilise them against terrorism.” The “cooperation with Africa” was thus “a task for NATO. I see us Europeans assuming much more responsibility.” …

Loyal, the magazine of the German military reserves association, recently reported “how a German patrol in Gao not only had to struggle with the extreme heat, but also a cool response from the population. A stone was thrown at the armoured and armed vehicle of the German army.”

Birds and trees in Africa


This December 2016 video, by Danielle van Oijen from the Netherlands, is about the importance of trees for wintering birds and people in Mali, Africa.

No deportation of refugees agreement with European Union, Mali says


This video says about itself:

The Deadly Journey From Libya’s Migrant Jails

30 March 2016

Desperate to escape conflict and poverty, thousands of migrants and refugees attempt the perilous journey to Europe each year, with many crossing the Mediterranean Sea from North Africa in rubber dinghies and wooden boats.

In the wake of the decommissioning of Mare Nostrum, a search and rescue operation run by Italy, the humanitarian organization Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) launched their own vessel, named the Bourbon Argos, to find those stranded at sea and save those in trouble on one of the deadliest routes to Europe.

On board the vessel, refugees and migrants are provided with medical aid, food, and shelter, then brought safely to Italian shores. Having survived life in Libya, ruthless treatment by smugglers, and horrific conditions aboard flimsy boats, once aboard the Bourbon Argos they face yet more uncertainty as they approach Europe.

VICE News teamed up with MSF to document these missions in the Mediterranean. In this extra scene, we speak with rescued refugees and migrants, where they describe the situation in Libya before embarking on one of the deadliest routes to Europe.

Translated from Dutch NOS TV:

Mali: no agreement with Koenders about returning migrants

Today, 20:26

Mali denies that last Sunday in Mali an agreement was signed with [Dutch Foreign Affairs] Minister Koenders about the return of migrants. Diop, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Mali denied that in the VPRO radio program Bureau Buitenland on NPO Radio 1.

Koenders was on behalf of the European Union in Mali and reported on Sunday that there was an agreement on facilitating the return of rejected asylum seeking Malians from countries in Europe. There are, according to Koenders, concrete agreements on repatriation, border management and legal migration.

According to Minister Diop these things have been discussed, but “we can not say that specifically an agreement has been concluded.” “We are also surprised that the situation was explained that way.”

Diop does not deny that a joint statement was issued, but that dd not involve an agreement, according to him. He expects a correction by the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

More than 5,000 refugees drowned in the Mediterranean in 2016: here.

Germany in 2016: Mass deportations and brutality toward refugees: here.