This video is called Australian family happily taking part in 9 March  Bahrain pro-democracy demonstration.
On 26 November 2011 in London, England, Bahrainis demonstrated against the dictatorship in their country.
The march went to the embassies of Saudi Arabia and the United States (both countries have soldiers in Bahrain). The demonstrators also stopped at the embassy of Egypt to express solidarity with pro-democracy Egyptians.
The London demonstration was especially against death penalties for three Bahraini democrats, convicted by military courts in show trials.
This 2011 video from Egypt says about itself:
Egyptian Body Politic: Adaptation of #Tahrir
from Laila Shereen
AN ANIMATED ADAPTATION OF “The Dream” by Alaa Abd El-Fattah, translated by Lina Attalah, 2011. Voice narration by VJ Um Amel.
A SOUNDTRACK REMIX OF “Immortal Egypt Revolution Dub” by DJ Zhao, “Amble ambience” by VJ Um Amel, KPCC radio interview of VJ Um Amel on November 23, 2011, and voice overs.
A VISUAL REMIX OF YouTube videos, Twitter data, R-Shief’s visualizations of 1.25 million tweets on #Tahrir over 23 days in November, and 1.23 million tweets on #NOSCAF over the same date range. Cartoon by Carlos Latuff, “in honour of martyr Shehab Ahmed, killed by SCAF forces in #Nov20″.
This video says about itself:
(New York, February 10, 2015) – Serious concerns about workers’ rights have not been resolved for a high-profile project in Abu Dhabi that will host branches of the Louvre and Guggenheim museums and a campus of New York University (NYU). These institutions should make their continued engagement with the Saadiyat Island project contingent on the developers’ commitment to more serious enforcement of worker protections and the compensation of workers who suffered abuses, including those arbitrarily deported after they went on strike.
From daily The Guardian in Britain:
Tunisian novel wins ‘Arabic Booker’ in Abu Dhabi despite UAE ban
M Lynx Qualey
Wednesday 6 May 2015 17.29 BST
A Tunisian university administrator has won the International prize for Arabic fiction (IPAF) for his debut novel, The Italian, at a ceremony in Abu Dhabi, the United Arab Emirates’ capital city. Shukri al-Mabkhout’s award comes just a week after his publishers learned from an Abu Dhabi bookshop that the novel was banned from bookshops across the Emirates.
The Italian is the eighth winner of the $50,000 (£33,000) prize known as the “Arabic Booker”. While the award is funded by the Abu Dhabi Tourism and Culture Authority, its longlist, shortlist and winner are decided by a panel of independent judges, this year chaired by Palestinian poet Mourid Barghouti.
Even before the announcement, there was wide interest in al-Mabkhout’s historical novel, whose protagonist is nicknamed “the Italian” for his slick good looks. The novel is set in Tunisia during the tumultuous crossover between Habib Bourguiba’s 30-year rule (1957-1987) and Zine El Abidine Ben Ali’s 24 years in power (1987-2011) and follows the central character’s political and romantic adventures while also critically examining Tunisia under two dictatorships.
When it was released last year, 53-year-old al-Mabkhout’s novel came as something of a shock to the Tunisian literary community. Al-Mabkhout is current president of the country’s University of Manouba and a well-known cultural figure, respected for his translations, literary criticism, and a weekly newspaper column, but his arrival as a novelist had not been expected. After the initial surprise, his debut received an enthusiastic reception, last month winning Tunisia’s top literary prize.
Al-Mabkhout said in an email interview with IPAF organisers that he was inspired by the backlash that came after the 2010-2011 Tunisian uprising that ousted Ben Ali.
“In a short period of time, we experienced what is equivalent to many years’ worth of unbelievable confusion and changes,” the novelist wrote. He could have addressed his feelings in a newspaper column, he said, but instead it was the novel form, “with its ability to grasp the contradictions, conflicts, changes, and hesitations,” that drew him in. This year he plans to publish a second novel as well as a collection of poems.
IPAF judging chair Mourid Barghouti said The Italian “brilliantly depicts the unrest both of the small world of its characters and the larger one of the nation”. Although it’s about Tunisian society, he said, “the book may also surprise many of its Arab readers who may recognise aspects of their societies in its pages”.
This recognition is perhaps what led to its banning in the Emirates, although no official reason has been given. Last week, al-Mabkhout’s publisher found out from Maktabet al Jamea (University Bookshop) in Abu Dhabi that the “authorities informed him it’s banned and that he therefore can’t stock it,” according to Sherif Joseph Rizk, the Cairo manager of Dar al-Tanweer, the book’s publisher.
Rizk said that Dar al-Tanweer did bring copies to the Abu Dhabi international book fair, which opens on Thursday, saying that “the fairs always get more lenient procedures”. IPAF organisers also issued a statement that copies would be available at the fair and that, “As a prize, we promote literature across borders but cannot influence the availability of our titles.”
Rizk wasn’t sure why the book was being singled out. Other books on the shortlist also cross traditional red lines, particularly Syrian novelist Lina Hawyan Elhassan’s Diamonds and Women, which has a number of sex scenes.
Thus far, Rizk said, al-Mabkhout’s novel remained available elsewhere. “We sold it in Riyadh. Now of course that’s threatened.”
An ebook version isn’t yet out, but Rizk said one should be available soon through Diwan Bookstores.
An eventual English translation is more or less guaranteed by the IPAF, the highest-profile Arabic novel prize. Six of the previous seven winners are already available in English. The most recent is Saud al-Sanoussi’s The Bamboo Stalk, published at the end of last month. English rights to last year’s winner, Ahmed Saadawi’s Frankenstein in Baghdad, have been picked up by Oneworld, and it is tentatively scheduled for a 2016 release.
A comment at the Guardian site on this:
Don’t suppose George Orwell‘s ever topped the bestseller list in UAE, then?
This video says about itself:
Army disperses protesters in Oman
1 March 2011
Soldiers have dispersed a small group of demonstrators who had gathered for the fourth day of protests in the port city of Sohar in Oman.
One person was wounded after shots were fired into the air. The crowd dispersed only to regroup at a roundabout near the port.
They had also gathered on Monday and blocked the entrance to the port, which exports 160,000 barrels of refined oil products every day.
These mainly pro-democracy, pro-workers’ rights movements started in December 2010 in Tunisia and influenced many other movements; not just in Arab countries, but also, eg, the Occupy Wall Street movement. Peter considers that these Arab spring movements have suffered from violent backlashes by governments and the wannabe government ISIS.
However, Peter Storm notes, in Oman, there are signs that the Arab spring is still alive. The sultanate Oman is a dictatorial absolute monarchy. It turns out that does not stop oppositional movements from getting positive results sometimes.
In March 2011, the Dutch government wanted Beatrix, then Queen of the Netherlands, to go to Oman to sell warships to the sultan. Then, workers in Oman started demonstrating for their rights. Queen Beatrix´ state visit to Oman was canceled; however, she still saw the sultan privately for the Dutch/Omani weapons deal.
In January 2012, hundreds of workers protested against non-payment of wages.
In May 2012, Omani workers went on strike against plans to privatize a sea turtle sanctuary.
A month later, Reuters reported:
Oman detains poet, blogger amid growing discontent
Sat Jun 9, 2012 2:07pm EDT
* Poet, blogger among those detained
* Activists say 10 arrested in past two weeks
By Sami Aboudi
DUBAI, June 9 – A poet and a blogger were among 10 people arrested in Oman in the past two weeks in what one source said was a police crackdown on dissent amid rising discontent in the small U.S. ally sitting near key Gulf shipping routes.
Activists said on Saturday that six people arrested on Friday night included blogger Hassan Rukaishi, authors Hammoud al-Rashedi and Nabhan al-Hanashi and poet Hamad al-Kharusi.
This blog reported as well on that wave of arrests.
Now, in March 2015, Peter Storm writes, privatisation plans once again cause workers to go on strike in protest. This time, not plans to privatise a turtle sanctuary, but the postal service. Last Sunday, 900 workers went on strike.
“The strike will continue until the government agrees to our demands,” a senior postal employee told Muscat Daily.
Already in 2011, Omani postal workers had gone on strike.
One result of the 2011 pro-democracy movement in Oman was that the government set up the Public Authority for Consumer Protection. There, consumers can complain if businesses sell them a device which does not work, or is too expensive. The government had plans to scale back this organisation, which does not fit in a ‘Chicago boys‘ ‘free market’ ideology. However, people’s protests prevented that. And now, the postal workers anti-privatisation strike. Peter Storm concludes that the Arab spring is not dead in Oman; in spite of sometimes bloody repression.
This video says about itself:
Bad time to be a black man in Libya
1 September 2011
From daily The Guardian in Britain:
Libya’s Arab spring: the revolution that ate its children
The bloody conflict in Libya in 2011 (and ever since) is only to a very limited extent comparable to the Arab spring, mostly non-violent, people’s movements in Libya’s neighbours, Tunisia and Egypt, which succeeded in driving away dictators; and in countries like Bahrain and Saudi Arabia, which tried, and still try, to end dictatorships.
On 31 March 2011, this blog pointed out some differences between the situation in Libya and Arab spring elsewhere.
Some of those differences:
1. In order to have a revolution in a true, progressive sense against a status quo, participants should have ideas about changes to that status quo which would not make things even worse, but would be improvements. Some Libyans in 2011 did have such ideas; but quite some Gaddafi adversaries did not. Quite the contrary. Quote from March 2011:
… yesterday, in Dutch TV program Nieuwsuur, their Benghazi correspondent had an interview with anti Gaddafi lawyers. What is wrong with laws under Gaddafi? the correspondent asked. The lawyers said that now laws are not based on Islamic religious shariah law. For instance, if someone is convicted of theft, under Gaddafi his hand is not cut off. That is wrong and should change, the lawyers said (for Islamophobic readers: there are many views of what shariah law exactly is, and very many Muslims do not favour such a cruel interpretation. What if someone’s hand is cut off, and later it turns out that the theft was by someone else? Not even a very good surgeon will be able to restore the hand to the innocent ex-convict).
2. Even if opponents of a status quo have intentions to improve a situation, there is no guarantee that their good intentions will become reality. As there will be other forces at work. In the case of Libya, these were the NATO countries’ governments, which hijacked the anti-Gaddafi movement, turning it into bloody war, officially ‘for human rights‘ and really for multinational oil corporations. And there were allies of NATO, princely families of absolute monarchies like Saudi Arabia and Qatar, still angry that their Libyan royal colleagues had been deposed in 1969; and whipping up religious fanaticism to serve their interests. Differently, in Egypt and in Tunisia, NATO, Saudi Arabia etc. kept supporting dictators Ben Ali and Mubarak until the bitter end, instead of violent regime change.
3. In countries like Tunisia, Egypt and Bahrain the Arab spring movements were largely working class. While, differently, blue-collar workers in Libya were mainly immigrants from Egypt, Tunisia, sub-Sahara Africa, Bangladesh, etc. Racist, xenophobic violence by anti-Gaddafi militias caused most of these workers to flee for their lives from Libya.
The Guardian article continues:
Chris Stephen in Tunis
Monday 16 February 2015 17.02 GMT
“It was better under Gaddafi,” says the young Libyan student, studying the froth bubbling over the top of his cappuccino in a cafe in Tunis as he contemplates the revolution that swept Muammar Gaddafi from power four years ago. “I never thought to say this before, I hated him, but things were better then. At least we had security.”
Tuesday marks the fourth anniversary of that revolution but nobody is celebrating. Egyptian air strikes now hammering Islamic State positions in the east of the country, in response to the beheading of 21 Egyptian Christians, is a further twist in an already grim civil war. Four years ago the student picked up a gun and joined rebel militias. Now he wishes he had stayed home.
“If I had that time again, I would not join [the rebels],” he says. Like many of his former comrades, he has left the country, but won’t give his name, fearing retribution against his family back home.
“In the past, we would have a party for the anniversary of the revolution, but not this time,” says Ashraf Abdul-Wahab, a journalist. “A lot of people tell you it was better under Gaddafi, that the revolution was a mistake. What they mean is, things are worse now than they were then.”
Full-scale civil war came last summer, when Islamist parties saw sharp defeats in elections the United Nations had supervised, in the hope of bringing peace to the country. Islamists and their allies rebelled against the elected parliament and formed the Libya Dawn coalition, which seized Tripoli. The new government fled to the eastern city of Tobruk and fighting has since raged across the country.
With thousands dead, towns smashed and 400,000 homeless, the big winner is Isis, which has expanded fast amid the chaos. Egypt, already the chief backer of government forces, has now joined a three-way war between government, Libya Dawn and Isis.
It is all a long way from the hopes of the original revolutionaries. With Africa’s largest oil reserves and just six million people to share the bounty, Libya in 2011 appeared set for a bright future. “We thought we would be the new Dubai, we had everything,” says a young activist who, like the student, prefers not to give her name. “Now we are more realistic.” …
“So many of the revolutionaries of four years ago have gone to ground, they have fled, ” says Michel Cousins, editor of the English-language Libya Herald newspaper. “They say a revolution eats its children.”
This quote makes it sound like all revolutions ‘eat their children’. However, one should not equate all revolutions with the Libyan case: a revolution turned into a counter-revolution by being hijacked by bloody NATO war, oil corporations, Arab peninsula monarchs, xenophobia and religious fanaticism.
Journalists flocked to Libya four years ago. Now Tripoli, after a series of Isis attacks, is too dangerous for all but the most intrepid, while Tobruk, in lockdown after a series of car bombings, has told the media to stay away.
The new government, hunkered down in a hotel in Tobruk, is riven by disputes, with many fearing it will fragment. In Tripoli, Libya Dawn has struggled to impose firm rule on a city now giving way to anarchy. Dawn commanders have reconvened the former government, the general national congress, but true power lies with the militias.
Zealots are making themselves felt in the capital, which was once Libya’s most liberal city. Women can no longer leave the city, on the few flights still operating, unless they have a male chaperone. Gunmen have attacked statues, Sufi mosques, a library and the art college, warning against displays of idolatry. Beauty salons are closed and schools segregated by sex. This week one unit announced the arrest of a woman for witchcraft, posting photographs of her and a mutilated black cat. …
Meanwhile, Benghazi, Libya’s second city, where the revolution first began with protests outside the courthouse, is being transformed into an Arab Stalingrad by fighting between government troops and Islamist militias. Four years ago, Courthouse Square was festooned with flags, revolutionary banners and youngsters singing songs in brightly painted tents. Now it is a pulverized wilderness.
Nato was midwife to Libya’s revolution, its bombing the key to victory, but alliance leaders now look on aghast at the result, not least the growth of Isis. Unknown in Libya before last summer, Isis has taken advantage of the chaos to expand rapidly. Its execution of the Egyptian Christians, captured in December and January, has triggered an Egyptian response that promises to turn the war into an international conflict. London, Paris and Washington, prime movers behind Nato’s intervention, worry that Isis could launch strikes on Europe across the Mediterranean. Meanwhile, Italy is dealing with the arrival of tens of thousands of migrants funnelled through Libya, many drowning on their hazardous journey. …
For ordinary people, life is now a battle for survival, and amid the power, water and petrol cuts, the most acute shortage is optimism, a quality flowing so abundantly four years ago. Where it exists at all, it is cautious and circumspect. “Martin Luther King said ‘I have a dream’, and I still have the dream,” says Shuhaib. “It’s not the same dream as four years ago, people now are disappointed and frustrated, but the dream is there.”
Egypt bombs Derna and pledges Libyan intervention: here.
ISIS in Libya: here.