Nigerian oil workers on strike

This video from the USA says about itself:

ExxonMobil‘s Dirty Secrets From Indonesia to Nigeria to D.C.: Steve Coll on “Private Empire”

7 May 2012

We continue our conversation with Pulitzer Prize-winning reporter Steve Coll, author of the exhaustive book, “Private Empire: ExxonMobil and American Power“. He examines the controversial role ExxonMobil has played in Afghanistan and Indonesia, where it operated lucrative gas fields amidst a bloody war for independence. Coll also discusses the corporate giant’s involvement in the controversial natural gas drilling process known as “fracking“, and the role of its lobbyists could play in the upcoming U.S. election.

From the World Socialist Web Site today:

Nigerian oil workers strike Exxon Mobil

Strikers at Exxon Mobil Nigeria extended their strike on Monday with three days of strike action involving the Petroleum and Natural Gas Staff Association of Nigeria (PENGASSAN) national membership. The strike against mass sackings has also spread to Chevron, Shell and Eni.

One hundred and fifty workers have been sacked, over half of them PENGASSAN members, at Exxon Mobil. Strikes by Exxon workers in Nigeria at the end of 2016 impacted output, leading to weeks-long loading delays.

3 thoughts on “Nigerian oil workers on strike

  1. Nigerian oil workers union threatens strike over privatisation

    The PENGASSAN oil workers union is threatening to strike if the government goes ahead with the privatisation of the Port Harcourt Petrochemical and Refinery Company.

    The government proposes to sell the company to Oando Plc., the largest Nigerian oil company with a production output of 54,000 barrels per day and a market value of $894 Million.

    The Nigerian Senate was ignored when it voted for the suspension of the sale.


  2. Pingback: Nigerians protest against Shell oil pollution | Dear Kitty. Some blog

  3. On September 5, 1994, bowing to ferocious pressure from Nigeria’s military junta headed by President Sani Abacha, oil union leaders called off a two-month strike of 200,000 workers. The bulk of the strikers had begun returning to work even before the official decision, under threat of arrests, firings, and the hiring of foreign labor by multinationals like Total and Shell.

    Nigeria’s junta responded to the strike with growing repression. Oil union leaders were ordered removed from office, and Nigeria Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG) general secretary Frank Kokori was detained, along with many local-level officials. In a radio broadcast, Labor Minister Samuel Ogbemudia threatened to “find, fix and finish” any union leaders who continued the strike. Gunmen attacked the home of Gani Fawehinmi, the lawyer for the dissolved unions, and police raided the homes of human rights activists.

    Nigeria had been on the edge of economic and political chaos since June 1993, when the military government of General Ibrahim Babangida annulled elections that were expected to transfer power to an elected, civilian government. Abacha assumed power as military dictator five months later.

    In the two weeks leading up to the collapse of the strike, the junta stiffened its resistance to any agreement to release the jailed victor of the presidential election, Chief Moshood K. Abiola. Nigeria had been under military rule for 28 of the 34 years since its formal independence from Britain.

    The strike expressed the grievances of Nigeria’s oil industry workers, who shared little of the immense profits reaped from their labor. But throughout its course, the unions—which were infiltrated by the CIA and AFL-CIO front, the African American Labor Center—subordinated the industrial power of the oil workers to courtroom maneuvers and private talks with generals and various tribal chiefs like Abiola, a millionaire newspaper publisher. In calling it off, union leaders claimed that their demand for the military dictatorship to release Abiola had not won sufficient public support.

    The unions made no appeal to the grievances of Nigeria’s peasant masses or workers outside of southern Nigeria. It remained limited to the Yoruba and Ibo-speaking regions in south and southwest Nigeria, having virtually no effect in the Hausa regions in the north, where the majority of the population lives.


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