This video from the USA says about itself:
Selling Apartheid: South Africa’s Global Propaganda War
27 August 2015
On the morning of 8 June 1988 dozens of children from Washington DC schools arrived at the United States capitol, carrying a small black doll to deliver to the lawmakers. Each doll represented a child who would be harmed by the sanctions congress had recently imposed on South Africa.
By John Moore in Britain:
How apartheid failed to sell itself globally
Monday 12th September 2016
Selling Apartheid: South Africa’s Global Propaganda War by Ron Nixon (Pluto Press, £13)
THIS lively account of the South African government’s propaganda campaigns to win international support for the abomination that was apartheid — at a cost of $100 million a year in the early 1980s — focuses principally on its activities in the US.
While there were campaigns everywhere internationally before the 1960s against South Africa’s racial segregation, torture and oppression, the turning point was Sharpeville, the township where in 1960 a demonstration against the pass laws was fired on by the police, who killed 70 people.
Subsequently, the apartheid government launched a furious media campaign in the US and Europe, propagating the fiction of how well it treated its native population. Even so, many businesses withdrew their investments from South Africa.
US president John Kennedy was persuaded to sponsor Pretoria’s application for a loan from the IMF.
But opposition to apartheid grew fast at the grassroots, especially as it merged with the civil rights movement. Martin Luther King called apartheid an attempt to bring back the ideology and practices of nazism yet President Nixon declared that: “The Whites are here to stay.”
The Soweto uprising in 1976, when police killed nearly 200 schoolchildren, changed world opinion and it shifted further against apartheid the following year when Steve Biko died of multiple head injuries received during police interrogation.
In Britain in the 1970s, the anti-apartheid movement grew rapidly and stopped a tour by an all-white cricket team from South Africa.
US president Ronald Reagan opposed all sanctions on the grounds that “persuasion” was better and Margaret Thatcher followed suit. In the US, black propagandists for South Africa were paid great salaries but their achievements were limited by their shortage of contacts in black communities. Millions of dollars were poured into the apartheid white-washing campaigns, with newspaper firms bought and prominent personalities bribed. But in Britain the TUC came out in support of sanctions and Barclays Bank decided to pull out of South Africa after many boycotts across the country. Then, in 1986, the US Congress approved sanctions and also voted to override the president’s veto.
The apartheid government spent ever more dollars in an attempt to stave off its downfall but to no avail. In February 1990, President De Klerk lifted the ban on the ANC and the Communist Party and soon after Nelson Mandela was freed after 27 years in jail.
His people, with worldwide support, had smashed a repulsive system of racial oppression and its global propaganda campaign and one criticism of this book is that a parallel account of the great movement of liberation inside South Africa is absent.