This 14 April 2015 video from the USA says about itself:
Thom Hartmann shares a report that says 1 million Iraqis are dead as a result of former President George W. Bush’s invasion of Iraq.
Another video from the USA used to say about itself:
10 August 2007
Independent group uses Lancet study to project Iraq death toll
Last year, the medical journal The Lancet published an estimate of 650,000 excess deaths in Iraq based on a demographic study conducted by field workers questioning people in clusters throughout Iraq.
The group Just Foreign Policy has taken that number and projected it using Iraq Body Count, which tallies deaths reported by Western media sources. This leads to a rough estimate that one million Iraqis have now been killed in the conflict since the U.S.’s 2003 invasion and occupation.
When The Lancet published the 650,000 estimate, President George W. Bush said: “600,000 or whatever they guessed at is just, it’s not credible.”
We speak to Les Roberts, now at Columbia University, who is co-author of The Lancet piece “Mortality after the 2003 invasion of Iraq: a cross-sectional cluster sample survey.” Roberts has studied other conflicts, including in Congo, where his estimates have been widely accepted.
We also speak with Robert Naiman of the group Just Foreign Policy.
By James B Thring in Britain:
Damning account of Western genocide in Iraq
Monday 15th June 2015
Genocide in Iraq by Abdul-Haq al-Ani and Tarik al-Ani (Clarity Press, £18.99)
THIS book may read read like a scene-of-the-crime thriller but, in providing a factual account of the genocide in Iraq, it provides damning grounds for prosecuting George Bush, Tony Blair and others for their war crimes in that country.
According to its authors, the sanctions imposed by the West killed 450,000 children by 1995 and continued for eight years after US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright affirmed that the price of those deaths was “worth it.”
This video from the USA is called Madeleine Albright Says Deaths Of 500,000 Iraqi Children Is Worth It.
The “shock and awe” bombing campaigns and further US state terrorism murdered another 600,000 by 2006. Iraq’s suffering was compounded by its oil income being sequestrated in a New York bank, with most of it diverted to global oil and private security corporations.
Head of the US occupation Paul Bremer spent little in restoring hospitals, water, power or other essentials. Instead, his actions bore out the definition of genocide which includes not only killing large sections of society but deliberately inflicting conditions of life calculated to bring about their physical destruction in whole or in part.
The writers expose the blockade of vital items such as milk formula and medical syringes under the guise of “sanctions.”
These are not weapons of mass destruction. And the International Atomic Energy Agency was prevented from importing equipment to locate up to 2,000 tons of US depleted uranium weapons, from which millions still suffer painful and deadly effects.
Bremer, unaccountable to Iraqi authority, instituted laws — enforced by terror and the US army — expelling or murdering Sunnis, violating international law in the process. To avoid prosecution, the US refused to join the International Criminal Court.
As the results of the Chilcot inquiry are delayed yet again, this book demonstrates why Blair and others should be prosecuted for genocide now. We owe it to the survivors.
Tony Blair’s chief of staff, Jonathan Powell, told Britain’s incoming ambassador to the US to “get up the arse of the White House and stay there,” according to the now-retired ambassador, Sir Christopher Meyer’s forthcoming memoirs: here.