Kurds don’t want ‘Free Syrian Army’ in Kobani

This video is called Why Turkey Doesn’t Want To Fight ISIS.

A video from Turkey, no longer on the Internet, was called Turkey helps ISIS, STOP Turkish Army support for ISIS terrorist group.

Translated from ANP news agency in the Netherlands:

October 24, 2014 14:06

The Kurdish fighters of the PYD in Kobani deny that there is an agreement on the arrival of 1300 troops of the Free Syrian Army (FSA) to the Syrian border.

A leader of the fighters on Friday denied words to that effect from the Turkish president Tayyip Recep Erdogan earlier in the day.

The Kurds in Kobani fight against the Islamic State (ISIS). The PYD leader also reported that it might be better if the FSA instead of going to Kobani would instead open a second front against ISIS.

The ‘Free Syrian Army’ are hardly less sectarian Sunni anti-Kurdish fundamentalists than ISIS or the ‘official’ Al Qaeda in Syria called Al Nusra. As a rule, the FSA have pretty good relations with Al Nusra. It would indeed be much better, if the ‘moderate’ FSA, instead of selling their prisoners like Steven Sotloff to ISIS for beheading, would start fighting ISIS somewhere away from Kobani. It would also be better if they would no longer commit cannibalism, like happened before.

According to Erdogan there were already talks about the route that the FSA troops supposedly would follow to go to Kobani.

Apparently, Mr Erdogan wanted to ram a fait accompli down the Syrian Kurds‘ throats. He wants to subject them to the FSA; the FSA, in its turn, being largely subject to the Turkish secret police. Earlier, the Turkish government had demanded that the Syrian Kurds should subject themselves to the FSA; which they have refused.

From the very start, the project for “democratic autonomy” was met with strong criticism from some rival Kurdish parties, which demanded that the PYD and YPG accept the authority of the Syrian National Coalition (SNC), which is the main body of the “moderate” Syrian opposition and related to FSA. Turkey and the United States have made similar demands. Why are PYD and YPG then so unwilling to comply? Could they not simply join the “moderate” rebels in exchange for international support against the Islamic State and Assad? A closer look at the “moderates” might explain their reluctance. Since the beginning of the conflict, the SNC has refused to recognize minority rights for the Kurds and other non-Arab minorities in a future state, which the SNC insists should continue to be called the Syrian Arab Republic. The SNC has also actively supported FSA factions fighting against the YPG on the side of jihadists: here.

Apparently, the Syrian Kurds are not the only people knowing nothing about Erdogan’s fait accompli. From daily The Morning Star in Britain:

Mr Erdogan said that the FSA forces were negotiating their route with Kurdish forces in the town.

However, a spokesman for the Western-backed Syrian opposition in exile, Kenan Mohammed, said that he was not aware of any such plans.

Pro-US and Turkish government Iraqi Kurdish commander against Turkish and Syrian Kurds: here.

Solidarity with Kobani in Zaandam, the Netherlands: here.

Washington’s strategy in its three-month-old war in Iraq and Syria appeared to suffer another humiliating blow over the weekend as one of the last remaining strongholds of US-backed “moderate rebels” in the northwestern Syrian province of Idlib fell to the Nusra Front, the Syrian affiliate of Al Qaeda: here.

An article by independent journalist Theo Padnos in the Sunday magazine section of the New York Times on his abduction and two-year imprisonment by the Nusra Front in Syria is instructive in terms of the reliability and allegiance of supposedly “vetted” forces. In the article, entitled “My Captivity,” Padnos recounts how not once, but twice, he managed to escape from his Nusra Front captors and seek aid from the so-called moderates of the Free Syrian Army, only to be quickly handed back to the Al Qaeda-affiliated group: here.

Co-president of the Kobane Legislative Council FAYZA ABDI talks to Stephen Smellie about how Kurdish women are at the forefront of the fight against Isis in the struggle to build a better society: here.

39 thoughts on “Kurds don’t want ‘Free Syrian Army’ in Kobani

  1. Suphi Nejat Ağırnaslı: “Elk hart is een revolutionaire cel!”

    Veel informatie rondom de moedige verdediging van Kobani haalt niet de
    reguliere media. Zo is zowel in Turkije als in West-Europa vrijwel niet bekend
    dat er niet-Koerdische revolutionairen uit Turkije meevechten in de rangen van
    de Koerdische Volksverdedigingseenheden (YPG) om de opmars van de barbaren van
    de Islamitische Staat een halt toe te roepen. Een van hen was de in Duitsland
    opgegroeide socioloog Suphi Nejat Ağırnaslı. Op 5 oktober 2014 verloor Nejat
    zijn leven in de strijd om Kobani. Lees verder:



  2. http://www.theglobeandmail.com/globe-debate/turkeys-real-kurdish-problem/article21199739/

    Turkey’s real Kurdish problem
    Adnan Khan
    Contributed to The Globe and Mail
    Published Wednesday, Oct. 22 2014, 3:00 AM EDT
    Adnan Khan is a writer and photographer who lives in Istanbul and Islamabad.

    There was little joy among Turkey’s Kurds when U.S. warplanes started
    dropping bombs on the Islamic State in Syria. Their reaction was surprising
    to say the least: For weeks, Kurds had been protesting in Istanbul and in
    Turkey’s predominantly Kurdish southeast against the lack of support their
    fellow Kurds were receiving in Kobani, the besieged city just across the
    border in Syria.

    Kobani was surrounded on three sides, with the only safe route in or out
    being north to Turkey. But the Turkish army had sealed the border. The
    city’s defenders, a local Syrian Kurdish militia, the armed wing of the
    Democratic Union Party, begged for international assistance. When U.S.
    bombings and supply drops finally helped push back the Islamic State’s
    advance, the Kurds were saved from a likely massacre.

    The intervention should have sparked celebration, but the protests
    continued, with Kurds lashing out at the Islamic State and condemning
    Turkey’s actions. More significantly, the protesters railed against the
    United States and its allies, including Canada, denouncing Western
    imperialism and capitalism.

    The protesters were largely socialists, a virulent strain of whom remain
    widespread among Turkey’s Kurds. Their anger did not stem from ethnic
    nationalism but political ideology. A revolution is under way in Kobani,
    they say, and everyone – the West, the Islamic State, Arab countries, the
    Turkish government – is trying to suppress it.

    Their version of events is worrying. Turkey experienced years of political
    violence after a peace process with its Kurdish minority collapsed in 1993.
    Radical leftists, mostly Kurds sympathetic to the banned Kurdistan Workers’
    Party (the PKK), battled ultranationalist Turks and Islamists calling
    themselves the Turkish Hezbollah. The government of the day, heavily
    influenced by the military, was suspected of manipulating the Islamists and
    nationalists in an attempt to crush the PKK-led insurgency.

    Those were dark days. Thousands of Kurds died and hundreds of thousands were
    displaced after the military razed as many as 3,000 southeastern villages
    suspected of supporting the PKK. “It was like a mob war,” says Tolga Baysal,
    an Istanbul filmmaker who lived through those times. “Hezbollah was
    kidnapping and assassinating suspected PKK members; the PKK was doing the
    same to Hezbollah.”

    Now, history appears to be repeating itself. Another Kurdish peace process
    is on the verge of collapse. The Turkish Hezbollah is back, reinvigorated by
    what they view as an Islamic revival in Syria and Iraq, as well as the
    conservative proclivities of the current Turkish government. Kobani has
    re-energized Turkey’s radical left, inspired by the Democratic Union Party,
    which announced last September that it would be setting up the perfect
    socialist society in Kobani. Once again, the government is reaching out to
    ultra-nationalists to counter them.

    According to the prevailing narrative, the Kurdish desire for ethnic and
    cultural self-determination has been reawakened by events in Syria. But this
    is oversimplification. The escalating conflict has more to do with political
    ideology – a radical socialism at odds with Turkey’s burgeoning capitalist
    project and the Islamist-rooted government leading it.

    Indeed, Turkey’s governing Justice and Development Party (AKP) has made
    significant progress over the past decade in granting cultural rights to
    Kurds. A great deal of work remains to be done, but it’s no longer illegal
    to call oneself a Kurd or to refer to a space called Kurdistan. A limited
    number of Kurdish-language TV stations have been issued broadcasting
    licences and large-scale development projects in the southeast have improved
    Kurds’ economic lot.

    But the Democratic Union Party and the PKK have a much wider agenda, which
    militants explained to me in 2006, when I visited their base in the Qandil
    mountains of Iraqi Kurdistan.

    “The revolution begins with the people,” I was told. “This is what
    distinguishes our socialism from any other socialist movement: individual
    action. The people must take responsibility for their lives. Try to imagine
    it: Power emanating from the bottom up, from the people to the government
    administration in a way that reduces the political leadership to a
    co-ordinating role. This is the PKK’s vision.”

    During the week I spent with the revolutionaries, I saw firsthand what their
    utopia might look like: a rigidly organized society where everything was
    shared, gender roles were eliminated and revolutionary ideals were
    indoctrinated. According to leaders, this was only the beginning.

    “Ours is a global movement, not just limited to the region,” they said. “But
    we focus on the Middle East as a starting point. We will change the
    sociopolitical landscape of the Middle East as an example for the rest of
    the world.”

    Now, that revolutionary project has found its historic moment: the Arab
    Spring. In the predominantly Kurdish neighbourhood of Okmeydani in Istanbul,
    the signs are all there: Graffiti announcing the resurgence of people power,
    hammers and sickles crudely drawn up with bright red paint, images of Che
    Guevara alongside Kurdish revolutionaries. “Kobani is our Stalingrad,” reads
    one common slogan.

    “The Islamic State is not alone,” one leftist demonstrator told me. “The
    Islamic State is attacking a revolution. … This is not a struggle against
    the Islamic State. It’s a struggle against the system and its supporters,
    including the Turkish state as well as a mix of others: Qatar, Saudi Arabia,
    England, France, the USA. All of these imperialist and capitalist systems
    should be opposed.”

    For Turkey’s government, this sort of fervour threatens to tear down years
    of capitalist enterprise and return Turkey to the bloodshed and economic
    ruin of the 1990s. In their calculation, the Islamic State is the lesser
    threat. Turkey’s radical left, which happens to be Kurdish, is the Pandora’s
    Box – a lid to be kept closed at any cost.


  3. Pingback: ISIS have entered Kobani - Page 26 - Turkish Living Forums

  4. All attempts to aid “moderate” rebels in Syria so far have backfired as most of the weapons sent to them have ended up in the hands of Isis and the al-Qaida-linked al-Nusra Front, which dominate opposition to Assad.
    Intelligence analysts say the two jihadist organisations could soon be working together in Syria, as al-Qaida has offered an “olive branch” to Isis — which broke away from it last year — arguing that they should not be fighting each other in the face of a growing international push to defeat them both.
    Isis has not responded formally to al-Qaida’s suggestion, but sources in Syria say that fighting between the two groups has effectively ceased in many areas.



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  7. An Argentine doctor in Kobanê

    Maria Claudia Garcia, an Argentine doctor who has come to Kobanê to provide medical care, called on her Argentine colleagues to support the ‘epic resistance’ in Kobanê.

    International interest is increasing in the Kobanê resistance in the health and social services field in addition to the military. Argentine doctor Maria Claudia Garcia is providing medical care and endeavouring to acquaint herself with the resistance. Maria Claudia Garcia, who was born in Buenos Aires, is a member of the Kurdistan Solidarity Committee in South America and the Socialist Party of Argentina. She talked to ANF about her impressions of Kobanê.

    How did you decide to come to Kobanê?

    After the first attacks on Kobanê I began to follow what was happening. I began to study the history of Kurdistan and the theories of Abdullah Öcalan. By being here I’m seeing how the theory is being put into practice. Before coming to Kobanê I went to the refugee camps in Çınar and Sisre in Amed. I came here ten days ago as I wanted to see the resistance and to observe the state of medical services. The work of doctors here is a crucial part of the resistance. They work in incredibly difficult conditions. I also wanted to see the function of the YPG/YPJ. I’m keeping a diary so that I can share everything with friends in Latin America. Some of it has already been published. I want experts in various fields to get interested in what is going on here. In particular in order to get people to make a contribution so that essential food and medicine be provided for the people here.

    What are your impressions of Kobanê?

    This is a resistance which is heroic and epic and what other adjectives should I choose, is this enough. The world needs to know this. People are struggling against ISIS with its modern weaponry which has been created by international and regional governments. The YPG-YPJ’s loyalty and respect is a reflection of their consciousness. They are struggling for a social revolution and the freedom of women.

    What is the situation of civilians, their health?

    Contrary to what the Turkish government says, the place is full of civilians. Health services are limited. A limited number of doctors are trying to provide services in a tent hospital. More and more civilians are returning, which means there is a need for more doctors. The elderly and children are more affected by the conditions. There are illnesses caused by the cold and also infections and ailments resulting from insufficient nourishment.

    Is there anything else you would like to add?

    Argentina is known for the struggle waged by the internationalist Che Guevara and we are trying to follow in his footsteps. The name of my organisation is Convergencia Socialista (Socialist Unity). I will continue to stay in Kobanê and contribute to the struggle. I call on my colleagues o join me here. It is also necessary for internationalists to be aware of the situation of political prisoners in Turkey, particularly that of Abdullah Öcalan.’

    Source: ANF/ SEDAT SUR – KOBANÊ 27-12-2014


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  11. Ankara probeerde de te voorziene Koerdische overwinning op voorhand te bagatelliseren door te eisen dat het door hen gesteunde Vrije Syrische Leger ‘mocht’ meevechten. Daar hadden de Syriërs niet veel trek in, want hun vijand is niet IS, maar Assad. Uiteindelijk deden ze het, om politieke redenen, toch. Veel schieten ze er nu niet mee op, want de mediaoverwinning is voor de Koerden en de Amerikanen.

    Dat IS niet echt in het defensief is, blijkt ook uit de berichten dat gematigde aanhangers van het Vrije Syrische Leger onder het mom van ‘de vijand van mijn vijand is mijn vriend’ naar IS en Al-Qaidafiliaal Al-Nusra overlopen.



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