Stop British government’s World War I warmongering

This video is part of the British film Oh what a lovely war! about the 1914 Christmas truce.

By Yasmin Alibhai Brown in daily The Independent in Britain:

Sunday 2 February 2014

The Great War centenary will push militarism down our throats. Resist the peddlers

Britain is arguable more addicted to wars, past and present, than even the US

My dad Kassam, who looked like Jeremy Thorpe, didn’t eat much, but greedily consumed books on British politics and British wars. He bought them on credit knowing he couldn’t pay the bills. In the end, the owner of the only bookshop in town, banned him from his store. This was in Kampala, capital of Uganda. Exiled ignobly from his daytime hangout, Papa turned into Coleridge’s mad Ancient Mariner, pulling people into his obsessions. One story he told over and over again was of an Indian relative called Jaffer, who had volunteered to fight with the Allies in the Great War – as did thousands of other Indians and Africans.

In fact, at the beginning the Indian army outnumbered the British army. Jaffer died soon after on the Western Front, somewhere near Neuve Chapelle-Givenchy. “War made him great, made him a man. Without his guns he would have been nothing, just a dukanwallah (small shopkeeper).” Jaffer’s suffering widow and kids didn’t get parts in Papa’s heroic yarns. Before I was born, he himself had tried to enlist when the next world war broke out but was deemed physically unfit. I didn’t see the glory then and don’t now.

What I see is countrywide mania, a craving for braggadocio and justifications for military action, most of which are post-victory, well shined-up lies. The illegal war on Iraq was the only example I can think of when millions of Britons, high and low, rebelled against the mission, its pretexts and methods.

Only example? Then, how about the governmental plans for British war on Syria, which had to be abandoned due to public opposition? Because of the (healthy) “Iraq syndrome”, a relative of the “Vietnam syndrome?”

That was a blip in an unbroken narrative of armed valour and supremacy. Britain is arguably more addicted than is the United States to wartimes, past and present. Wars, not religions, are now the opiates of our people. And the state funds the drug habit, big time. With so much of the stuff sold energetically in the marketplace, few will escape from its effects. And there are no curative clinics, clinicians or therapists to help the young. Those who work with terrorists know how hard it is to detoxify a mind that has been indoctrinated. When the minds of millions are systematically turned by the UK political and military establishments, restoration to rational, independent thought is well nigh impossible. We are the great brainwashed.

The Government has decided that the centenary of the First World War will be marked over four years. Four years costing over £60m. Andrew Murrison has been appointed the minister of the Great War. A minister for rain would make more sense. Jeremy Paxman was absolutely right when he said recently (when talking about his own sensitive, BBC series on this conflagration) that “only a complete idiot would celebrate such a calamity”.

According to soldiers who were there and experts over the decades, the conflict was devastating, needless, ruthless, and dishonourable. It badly affected Africa, Arabia, Asia and led Europe inevitably to the next global inferno. Why even the right wing, pro-Empire, hawkish historian Niall Ferguson, says: “It was the biggest error in modern history”. Michael Gove will be most displeased. (He looks and acts like a Dickensian character when most displeased. Will Ferguson be summoned and bent over a table and caned?) Our resolute Secretary of State for Education is determined to turn this remembrance into a pro-war cant-fest. As Simon Jenkins observed last week: “It will be the British at their worst; sanctimonious, self-congratulatory, worshipping at the tomb of the unknown, awful German… [already] there are war poems, war propaganda, war nurses, war horses everywhere.”

Mark Steel: By jingo, Gove’s right – those leftie academics have hijacked the Great War
Robert Fisk: The flood of 1914-18 memorabilia has begun – and it will break your heart
Robert Fisk: As we move towards the Great War’s centenary, it’s time to recognise the reality of its horror

The potent myth of sacrifice is evoked whenever men and women die in wars. Britain beautifully embalms these victims and those to come in these sentiments. It is to ensure the army remains big, popular and ready for the next big battle. Five years ago the armed forces were no longer held in awe. Their PR sorcerers went into battle and got the nation to hug soldiers again, all “heroes” who give their lives so we may be free. The poppy is now a mark of loyal citizenship. Once the people are manipulated to back the military, they do not ask why we must have the Trident defence system, just one part of which has gone up 600 per cent in costs. Thanks to MP Paul Flynn we know the final bill will amount to between £15bn and £20bn.

My colleague Andy McSmith ran this story in the paper last week. Was there public consternation? No. How much of the deficit would be cut if we dropped this vanity project? How does it help fight the al-Qa’ida threat? Imagine if the NHS overspent this profligately.

The next four years will push militarism down our throats, so we assent to the next armed venture in a fug of druggy pride. Resist the peddlers. Read No Man’s Land: Writings from a World at War (edited by Pete Ayrton) and seek the truth. And know this nation is more than the sum of its wars.

Jeremy Paxman blasted for calling World War One conscientious objectors ”cranks”: here.

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13 thoughts on “Stop British government’s World War I warmongering

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  4. 100 years ago: Rosa Luxemburg convicted of sedition by German authorities

    Rosa Luxemburg on her way to court with attorneys Paul Levi and Kurt Rosenfeld

    On February 20, 1914, prominent Polish-German Marxist Rosa Luxemburg was convicted of sedition charges and sentenced to a year imprisonment by the Frankfurt Criminal Court for opposing the growth of militarism and denouncing the treatment of soldiers by the officer caste and state authorities.

    The basis for the charges against Luxemburg was a speech in September 1913, in which she called on the working class to oppose the preparations for war, and advance its own, internationalist perspective. She denounced preparations for a fratricidal conflict: “If they expect us to murder our French or other foreign brothers, then let us tell them, ‘No, under no circumstances!’”

    At the trial, Luxemburg delivered an impassioned speech against imperialist militarism. She stated, “once the majority of working people come to the conclusion—and it is precisely the task of Social Democracy to arouse this consciousness … that wars are nothing but a barbaric, unsocial, reactionary phenomenon, entirely against the interests of people, then wars will be impossible.”

    Luxemburg was targeted by prosecutors because she was the most consistent proponent of a socialist, revolutionary, and internationalist response to militarism in the German Social Democracy, under conditions of the growth of a national-opportunist tendency in that organization which increasingly adapted to the interests of German capitalism and colonialism.

    The trial took place in the context of a German naval and military buildup, precipitated by growing tensions with France and Britain, and open discussion of the prospect of war. While found guilty, Luxemburg won broad support in the working class, speaking at dozens of public meetings.

    She was again charged in June, for “insulting the military.” At the ensuing trial, dozens of workers testified as defense witnesses to the outstanding role played by Luxemburg as a socialist leader of the working class. That trial also expressed the growing tensions within the Social Democracy between the revolutionary and national-opportunist wings—with the former advancing a militant, political defense of Luxemburg, and the latter calling for the processes of the capitalist courts to be “respected.”


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