Iraq: Haditha massacre: new photos contradict US official story


Some of the dead in HadithaFrom CNN in the USA:

Photos seem to contradict Marine version of Haditha killings

By Jamie McIntyre

Thursday, June 8

WASHINGTON — Pentagon sources say some of the most incriminating evidence against Marines under investigation in the deaths of civilians at Haditha is a set of photographs taken by another group of Marines who came along afterward and helped clean up the scene.

CNN is the first news organization to examine those images.

They were snapped before an aspiring Iraq journalist videotaped the aftermath of the November 19 deaths.

That video convinced Time magazine to pursue the story earlier this year.

Pentagon sources say the 30 images of men, women and children are some of the strongest evidence that, in some cases, the victims were shot inside their homes and at close range — not killed by shrapnel from a roadside bomb or by stray bullets from a distant firefight, as Marines had claimed.

Hush money for Haditha survivors: here.

US Bush administration and the death of Zarqawi: here.

Iraqi blogger Riverbend on death of Zarqawi: here.

Iraq: Prime Minister on US killings: here.

US atrocities in Hamdania: here.

This music video from the USA about the Iraq war is ‘Dear Mr President‘ by Pink.

3 thoughts on “Iraq: Haditha massacre: new photos contradict US official story

  1. Propaganda and Haditha

    By Dahr Jamail and Jeff Pflueger
    Friday 09 June 2006

    “In wartime, truth is so precious that she should always be attended by
    a bodyguard of lies.”
    – Winston Churchill, British Prime Minister during World War II

    Propaganda is when the Western corporate media tries to influence public
    opinion in favor of the Iraq War by consistently tampering with truth
    and distorting reality. It is to be expected. And it is to be recognized
    for what it is. On occasions when the media does its job responsibly and
    reports events like the November 19, 2005, Haditha Massacre, it must
    also be willing and able to anticipate and counter propaganda campaigns
    that will inevitably follow. It is to be expected that the responsible
    members of the media fraternity will stick to their guns and not join
    the propagandists.

    This piece is a summary of five most commonly deployed crisis management
    propaganda tactics which the State and Media combine that we can expect
    to see in relation to the Haditha Massacre. Listed in a loose
    chronological order of their deployment, the tactics are: Delay,
    Distract, Discredit, Spotlight and Scapegoat. Each of the five public
    relations campaigns will here be discussed in the context of the Haditha
    Massacre.

    *Delay*

    Al-Jazeera channel, with over 40 million viewers in the Arab world, is
    the largest broadcaster of news in the Middle East. It has been bearing
    the brunt of an ongoing violent US propaganda campaign. Their station
    headquarters in both Afghanistan and Baghdad were destroyed by US forces
    during the US invasions of both countries. In Baghdad, the attack on
    their office by a US warplane killed their correspondent Tareq Ayoub.
    Additionally, al-Jazeera reporters throughout Iraq have been
    systematically detained and intimidated before the broadcaster was
    banned outright from the country. These are somewhat contradictory
    actions for an occupying force ostensibly attempting to promote
    democracy and freedom in Iraq.

    On November 19, 2005, the day of the Haditha Massacre, al-Jazeera had
    long since been banned from operating in Iraq. The station forced to
    conduct its war reporting from a desk in Doha, Qatar, was doing so via
    telephone. Two Iraqis worked diligently to cover the US occupation of
    Iraq through a loose network of contacts within Iraq. Defying the
    US-imposed extreme challenges, al-Jazeera, by dint of its responsible
    reporting, had the entire Haditha scoop as soon as it occurred, which
    they shared with Western and other media outlets, while the latter were
    content to participate in delaying the story nearly four months by
    regurgitating unverified military releases.

    Two days after the massacre, DahrJamailiraq.com was the only free place
    on the Internet that carried al-Jazeera’s report
    translated into
    English (it could be viewed at MidEastWire.com for a fee).

    The anchorperson for al-Jazeera in Doha, Qatar, interviewed journalist
    Walid Khalid in Bahgdad. Khalid’s report, translated by MidEastWire.com,
    was as follows:

    Yesterday evening, an explosive charge
    went off under a US Marines vehicle in
    the al-Subhani area, destroying it
    completely. Half an hour later, the US
    reaction was violent. US aircraft
    bombarded four houses near the scene
    of the incident, causing the immediate
    death of five Iraqis. Afterward, the US
    troops stormed three adjacent houses
    where three families were living near the
    scene of the explosion. Medical sources
    and eyewitnesses close to these
    families affirmed that the US troops,
    along with the Iraqi Army, executed 21
    persons; that is, three families, including
    nine children and boys, seven women,
    and three elderly people.

    Contrast this to the reportage of the slaughter by the New York Times,
    the “newspaper of note” in the United States. Unquestioningly parroting
    the military press release, their story of November 21, 2005, read: “The
    Marine Corps said Sunday that 15 Iraqi civilians and a Marine were
    killed Saturday when a roadside bomb exploded in Haditha, 140 miles
    northwest of Baghdad. The bombing on Saturday in Haditha, on the
    Euphrates in the Sunni-dominated province of Anbar, was aimed at a
    convoy of American Marines and Iraqi Army soldiers, said Capt. Jeffrey
    S. Pool, a Marine spokesman. After the explosion, gunmen opened fire on
    the convoy. At least eight insurgents were killed in the firefight, the
    captain said.”

    The organization Iraq Body Count (IBC) immediately endorsed this,
    clearly demonstrating how its tally of Iraqi civilian deaths due to the
    war is way below the actual numbers. Exclusively referencing samples
    from the Western media that willingly embrace the official propaganda,
    IBC can hardly constitute an unbiased or truthful source of information.

    In April 2006, their database of media sources cited an AP story and a
    Reuters story from November 20, 2005, along with a March 21, 2006,
    London Times article. This is how IBC distilled the stories; “Haditha –
    fighting between US Marines and insurgents-gunfire” and the number of
    civilians killed was recorded as 15. It is difficult to understand why
    IBC has once again opted to cite US fabrications mindlessly repeated by
    the Western media rather than take into account the readily available
    English translation of al-Jazeera’s Haditha report.

    On June 6, 2006, the Haditha Massacre is recorded by IBC as “family
    members in their houses and students in a passing car” and the declared
    number of victims is 24. One cannot help wonder how many uncorrected,
    unverified and unchallenged pieces of US military propaganda lurk in
    IBC’s database. Haditha could be just the tip of the iceberg.

    It wasn’t until four months after the event that the Western corporate
    media started to straighten out the story. On March 19, 2006, it was
    Time Magazine that “broke” the Haditha story in a piece titled
    “Collateral Damage or Civilian Massacre in Haditha.” The primary sources
    for this piece were a video shot by an Iraqi journalism student produced
    the day after the massacre and interviews conducted with witnesses.
    Another glaring evidence of how a few simple interviews with Iraqis and
    some readily available photographs and video can drastically correct the
    glaring errors in the Western media’s representations of the occupation.

    It is significant that this “exclusive” story came from the same
    publication that graced its cover with George W. Bush as the 2004 Person
    of the Year for “reframing reality to match his design.” That brazen
    advertisement for the most unpopular re-elected US president in history
    more than establishes the fact that the magazine has an agenda that has
    less to do with responsible journalism than it does with influencing
    public opinion. That Time set its clocks back four months in regard to
    Haditha, when evidence was readily available the day after the event,
    only supports the charge that it willingly participates in US state
    propaganda. Journalists should aggressively expose the truth that Time,
    like its acclaimed 2004 person of the year, also reframes reality to
    match its design. If journalists do not look at Time’s story with a
    skeptical eye as an exercise in PR before jumping on the Haditha
    bandwagon, they too risk shortchanging the public’s trust with a
    meaningless opportunity to participate in a PR crisis management campaign.

    But the Haditha Massacre is far from being the only story that the
    Western corporate media has delayed covering. On May 4, 2004, journalist
    Dahr Jamail, one of the authors of this piece, wrote “Telltale Signs of
    Torture Lead Family to Demand Answers.” The story, published by the
    NewStandard ,
    was about a 57-year-old Iraqi named Sadiq Zoman, who was detained at his
    residence in Kirkuk on July 21, 2003, when US troops raided the Zoman
    family home in search of weapons and, apparently, to arrest Zoman. Over
    a month later, on August 23, soldiers dropped Zoman off, comatose, at
    the main hospital in Tikrit. His body bore telltale signs of torture
    :
    point burns on his skin, bludgeon marks on the back of his head, a badly
    broken thumb, electrical burns on the soles of his feet and genitals and
    whip marks across his back.

    Jamail originally wrote the story in January 2004 and shared the
    information with over 100 newspapers in the US for them to report on.
    The story was conveniently ignored by the US corporate media until it
    was forced to run other torture photos from Abu Ghraib after journalist
    Seymour Hersh threatened to scoop 60 Minutes II by running his piece
    about torture in the New Yorker, in late April 2004.

    Another example of this delayed “reporting” involved the report on the
    use of white phosphorous by the US military against civilians in
    Fallujah during the November 2004 assault on the city. Jamail originally
    reported

    a story titled “Unusual Weapons Used in Fallujah” with Inter Press
    Service. US corporate media ignored the story

    until the Independent in the UK ran his reporting about the atrocity.
    Even after this, aside from a few token editorials that mentioned this
    war crime, most major news outlets continued in their silence. This
    despite the fact that the Pentagon admitted to the use of these weapons,
    and residents of Fallujah like Abu Sabah had long since told a reporter,
    “They used these weird bombs that put up smoke like a mushroom cloud,
    then small pieces fall from the air with long tails of smoke behind
    them.” He also described pieces of these bombs that exploded into large
    fires that burnt the skin when water was thrown on the burns.

    There are countless other stories which the US corporate media has
    deliberately delayed from their reportage and which may never reach the
    wide US audience that they deserve. It is necessary to ask, when will
    the corporate media report on stories such as the following:

    *November 19, 2004:* “As US Forces Raided

    a Mosque,” Inter Press Service (At least four worshippers are killed and
    20 wounded during Friday prayers when US and Iraqi forces raided Abu
    Hanifa Mosque in Baghdad.

    *April 19, 2004:* “US Troops Raid Abu Hanifa Mosque, Destroy Fallujah
    Relief Goods,” The NewStandard News (Tanks and Humvees are used to crash
    through the gates
    of a mosque in
    the middle of the night. Foodstuffs stockpiled for Fallujah relief are
    destroyed, worshippers are terrorized, shots fired, copies of the Holy
    Qu’ran are desecrated.)

    *December 13, 2004:* “US Military Obstructing Medical Care,” Inter Press
    Service (US military prevented delivery of medical care

    in several instances and regularly raided hospitals in Iraq.)

    *April 23, 2004:* “Fallujah Residents Report US Forces Engaged in
    Collective Punishment,” The NewStandard News (Despite what Marines
    called a “ceasefire” in Fallujah, refugees trapped outside and Fallujans
    still under siege continued to face measures of collective punishment
    .)

    *January 3, 2004:* “US Military Terrorism
    and
    Collective Punishment in Iraq” (Mortars fired

    at a farmer’s home and land in al-Dora, near Baghdad. As Jamail wrote in
    the aforementioned web log at that time, residents reported, “We don’t
    know why they bomb our house and our fields. We have never resisted the
    Americans. There are foreign fighters who have passed through here, and
    I think this is who they want. But why are they bombing us?” When the
    farmer was asked what happened when he requested that US military remove
    the unexploded mortar rounds, he said, “We asked them the first time and
    they said ‘OK, we’ll come take care of it.’ But they never came. We
    asked them the second time and they told us they would not remove them
    until we gave them a resistance fighter. They told us, ‘If you won’t give
    us a resistance fighter, we are not coming to remove the bombs.'” He
    held his hands in the air and said, “But we don’t know any resistance
    fighters!”)

    *November 18, 2004:* “Media Repression in ‘Liberated’ Land,” Inter Press
    Service (Journalists increasingly detained and threatened

    by the US-installed interim government in Iraq. Media were stopped
    particularly from covering recent horrific events in Fallujah. The “100
    Orders” penned by former US administrator in Iraq L. Paul Bremer
    included Order 65, passed March 20, 2004, to establish an Iraqi
    communications and media commission. This commission has powers to
    control the media because it has complete control over licensing and
    regulating telecommunications, broadcasting, information services and
    all other media establishments. Within days of the “handover” of power
    to an interim Iraqi government in June 2004, the Baghdad office of
    al-Jazeera was raided and closed by security forces from the interim
    government. The network was banned initially for one month from reporting
    out of Iraq, subsequently extended to “indefinitely.” The media
    commission ordered all news organizations to “stick to the government
    line on the US-led offensive in Fallujah or face legal action.”)

    *February 14, 2005:* “Media Held Guilty of Deception,” Inter Press
    Service (A people’s tribunal held much of Western media guilty

    of inciting violence and deceiving people in its reporting of Iraq. The
    panel of judges in the Rome meeting of the World Tribunal on Iraq (WTI),
    an international people’s initiative seeking to unearth the truth about
    the war and occupation in Iraq, accused the United States and the
    British governments of impeding journalists in performing their task,
    and intentionally producing lies and misinformation.)

    *Distract*

    Once a damaging, and most likely delayed, story hits the Western
    corporate media consciousness, concurrent stories may be released that
    distract the audience or dilute the potency of the main story. The
    handling of the Haditha story by corporate Western media is being
    managed similarly.

    For example, on June 1, 2006, the BBC released a story detailing an
    alleged “massacre” at Ishaqi on March 15, 2006. Dahr Jamail had reported
    on the incident

    and had photographs posted

    nearly two months before. The BBC’s story was suspicious
    : not
    only was it delayed by two and a half months, but its timing was
    concurrent with a peak in media interest in the Haditha Massacre
    scandal. Meanwhile, the BBC’s version of the Ishaqi story itself, while
    tragic, didn’t seem to be much of a scandal at all. It was not
    surprising that the day after the BBC story “broke,” ABC published a
    story entitled, “US Military Denies New Abuse Allegation at Ishaqi”
    reporting that the US Military had conducted an investigation and found
    that there was no basis for claims of a massacre at Ishaqi. The idea
    that the BBC could “break” a story and the military could respond,
    investigate and have a press release about it in time for ABC to report
    findings of innocence the next day is unbelievable if not outright
    ridiculous. This series of media events served primarily to distract
    people from the Haditha story and sow seeds of doubt in their minds
    about the Haditha Massacre. One would expect savvy journalists to
    recognize the set-up from a mile away.

    On June 5, 2006, the New York Times provides us with two additional
    distractions – one involving paid Internet advertising and the other the
    front page of the paper.

    If one did a Google search on “Haditha” on June 5th, one was presented
    with a story entitled “Disbelief Over Haditha”: via Google’s AdSense.
    The story is essentially a patriotic piece comprised of interviews with
    military individuals at Camp Pendelton on Memorial Day where the
    interviewees were granted a national audience in the Times and an
    opportunity to shower sympathy on the soldiers involved in the massacre
    and cast doubt on the event itself. The fact that the NYT is paying for
    this story to appear every time one types in “Haditha” in Google, and
    that this story unarguably serves to create doubts about the events that
    occurred in Haditha, is clearly a distraction from the horrendous fact
    of the massacre itself. A question to ask: why isn’t the New York Times
    paying to promote a neutral piece about the Haditha Massacre rather than
    for a piece promoting blatant and exclusive American patriotism and denial?

    But on this same day, the New York Times goes further in obfuscating the
    Haditha Massacre with distraction and doubt by swallowing whole a media
    event sponsored by the US military. Two reporters were flown by the US
    government to an excavated mass grave site in a military helicopter. The
    mass grave site was ostensibly created when Saddam Hussein’s secret
    police murdered people connected with the Shiite uprising in 1991.
    Coincidentally, the number of people found in this site is 28, nearly
    the same number allegedly killed in the Haditha Massacre. The reason
    that the US flew the reporters to the site is clear; this story of a
    similar massacre at Saddam Hussein’s hands distracts the public from the
    Haditha Massacre with the faulty logic of, “Well, if he did it …” The
    New York Times did not feel the need to delay the story and published
    “Uncovering Iraq’s Horrors in Desert Graves” on the front page merely
    two days after the journalists received a government tour of the site.
    After the kind of directed criticism of the role that the New York Times,
    via US state and military propagandists like Judith Miller and Thomas
    Friedman, has played in orchestrating Iraq War propaganda, one would
    imagine that reputable journalists would know better than to accept a
    US-sponsored media outing in Iraq. Reputable journalists should
    additionally wonder why the New York Times continues to accept this type
    of propaganda as news, while ignoring events such as the ones where the
    people of Fallujah dug mass graves to bury the thousands killed during
    the US assault of the city in November 2004.

    But the mother of all distractions came on June 8, 2006, in the media
    spasm over the alleged killing of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi. We can be
    certain of this week’s front page news. The ridiculous thing is that
    Zarqawi himself is perhaps more a US propaganda and media fabrication
    more than a real threat to the Iraqi people, let alone the security of
    the US. The story of Zarqawi served to simplify and put an al-Qaeda face
    on what is really a much more complicated situation regarding the
    resistance and rising sectarian tensions in Iraq. Now with Zarqawi’s
    alleged death reported by the US Government, the media is swallowing the
    state’s version of this story whole, despite all the fraud that we’ve
    seen in past US propaganda stunts, such as the Jessica Lynch “rescue,”
    the Pat Tillman fabrication, the pulling down of Saddam Hussein’s statue
    in Firdos Square in Baghdad, and even the capture of Hussein himself.
    Will the death of Zarqawi slow the violent resistance in Iraq? No. Will
    the death of Zarqawi bring improvement n the electricity, water and
    medical infrastructure in Iraq? No. Will the death of Zarqawi bring
    stability and security to the Iraqi people? No. But is the death of
    Zarqawi a perfect distraction from the Haditha Massacre, total failure
    of the US occupation of Iraq, and the ongoing US military assault on the
    city of Ramadi? Absolutely. And his death conveniently distracts the
    corporate media from reporting that while the Prime Minister of Iraq
    appointed most of his cabinet last weekend, the position of Vice
    President Abel Abdul Mahdi, which had been set over a month ago, was the
    re-appointment of one of the most aggressive supporters of the economic
    agenda of the Bush administration in Iraq. An agenda which includes the
    implementation of corporate globalization of Iraq’s laws and far, far
    greater US corporate control of Iraq’s oil supply.

    *Discredit*

    Perhaps the most interesting propaganda campaign we have seen in
    connection with the Haditha Massacre was a massive and well-coordinated
    effort on the part of FOX news and the right wing bloggers to discredit
    any allegations of war crimes simultaneously running down the entire
    “left wing” Internet. This campaign came in the form of fraudulent video
    testimony from Jesse MacBeth. In this video “testimony” Jesse MacBeth
    claims to have been a soldier in Iraq and to have committed a variety of
    horrendous war crimes. The video barely made a stir on the web since
    people questioned its validity within hours of its release. Yet, on May
    24, 2006, mere days after the video’s first appearance on the web, FOX
    news spun fabrications about the video

    calling it an “anti-war video” and claiming “that thing posted on the
    Internet [was] the #2 most clicked-on blog on the Internet in the last
    few weeks.” #2 most clicked-on blog? One should question where FOX news
    had been able to obtain data on the most popular blogs – unless Dick
    Cheney’s news favorite is even closer with the NSA than some might
    suspect. The data comparing traffic to various web sites certainly is
    not available to FOX to make such a claim. But the claim was false
    anyway. Jesse MacBeth never had a blog. The video was posted on a small,
    low bandwidth web site that could never have handled anywhere near the
    kind of traffic required for the #2 blog. In fact, three days before
    FOX’s show, the web site publicly registered just over 1,500 hits –
    total – and the video wasn’t available because the site couldn’t meet
    even that meager demand. At 5 pm pst, two days before FOX’s wild
    promotion of the MacBeth video, a Google search on Jessie MacBeth
    revealed only two obscure references to the video at all. The video was
    in fact downright difficult to find anywhere on the web that day, let
    alone! the “last few weeks” before FOX’s broadcast. FOX’s deceptive
    promotion of this video and concurrent discrediting was deliberate
    propaganda to pre-empt any future or existing claims of war crimes, such
    as the Haditha Massacre, as well as an attempt to dismiss the entire
    left wing blogosphere and the “anti-war” movement. By far the greatest
    promoters of the MacBeth video were FOX news and the right-wing bloggers.

    *Spotlight*

    When an issue becomes too large and too damaging to control effectively,
    savvy PR professionals work to focus the public’s attention on a single
    topic within the larger issue. The public thereby loses its view of the
    forest – the more damaging and larger issue – for the single tree of a
    selective topic or event related to the issue. This single topic needs
    to be controversial enough to capture a large audience, but sufficiently
    containable so that the particulars remain debatable and do not spiral
    out of control. We have seen this pattern of PR repeated over and over
    in the war. Examples include endless debates about the 500 prisoners
    illegally held in Guantanamo Bay, when the reality of the larger issue
    involves over 14,000 Iraqis detained without trail in both disclosed and
    undisclosed Iraqi prisons, as well as countless people held in secret US
    detention chambers in Eastern Europe. Another instance is the torture
    “scandal” at Abu Ghraib, where public attention was focused on sexual
    humiliation and inane ebates over the uses of dogs or water-boarding,
    when in fact there exists documentation of torture much more violent,
    systematic and widespread at US hands.

    The Haditha Massacre is becoming the Spotlight event in the much broader
    and more volatile issue of US War crimes in Iraq. Haditha is by no
    stretch of the imagination an isolated incident. Journalists should work
    to broaden the reporting of Haditha to include a discussion of the much
    broader issue of International Law and War Crimes. This is, after all, a
    war where US Attorney General Alberto Gonzales described the Geneva
    conventions as “quaint,” chemical weapons were used on a civilian
    population in Fallujah, violent torture continues at the hands of the US
    or its proxies, arbitrary detentions of Iraqis continue in violation of
    international law, hospitals have been intentionally destroyed and
    occupied, cluster bombs and flechettes have been deployed on dense
    civilian habitations, civilians are being killed daily, and journalists
    have been intentionally targeted by US troops. If we lose the forest for
    the trees on the issue of the Haditha Massacre, we risk participation in
    US propaganda.

    *Scapegoat*

    Parallels are being drawn between what happened in Haditha on November
    19, 2005, and the 1968 massacre in My Lai during the Vietnam War, in
    which US forces ruthlessly slaughtered 500 unarmed women, men and
    children in a small village. The most direct parallels will probably
    involve what happens legally to those chosen by the internal military
    investigation to take the blame for the event in Haditha. In the case of
    My Lai, a lengthy internal investigation was launched, and followed by a
    court-martial. Despite the massively brutal nature of the massacre, the
    cover-up, and the many people involved, in the end, one man, Lt. William
    Calley, spent roughly 3 years under house arrest.

    As we see the media spotlight on the Haditha Massacre, we can expect to
    see damage control measures through inventing scapegoats as was done in
    My Lai and Abu Ghraib. As in the Abu Ghraib torture media blitz, the
    military will not concern itself with loyalty for the troops that put
    their lives on the line daily. The military will readily sacrifice its
    Charles Graners and Sabrina Harmans while its superiors dodge and evade
    responsibility and the incident is made to look isolated. Haditha will
    be erroneously presented as the crime of a few “bad apples.” With the
    massive cover-up by military superiors, countless other war crimes
    occurring in Iraq, and a US media landscape that has assisted in the
    cover-up, journalists need to do more than produce propaganda of the
    various trials and legal minutiae of the scapegoats identified to pay
    for the Haditha massacre. There are much bigger stories that await
    telling if the offered PR bait can be rejected.

    *Conclusion: Is the US Corporate Media Complicit in War Crimes?*

    According to principles set during the Nuremburg Trials and the UNESCO
    Charter, the primary responsibility of journalists during a time of war
    is not to incite the public to violence. In the case of the Haditha
    Massacre cover-up, we need to ask: Is the US Corporate Media complicit
    in the cover-up of this War Crime? By helping to cover up countless
    events like the Haditha Massacre, is the US Corporate Media inciting the
    public to violence by distorting the truth about the war in Iraq?

    Already, stories from the US Media and “journalists” like Judith Miller
    who promoted the war with fabrications have failed the test of
    journalistic responsibility set by the Nuremburg Trials and the UNESCO
    Charter. But the US corporate media seems extremely resistant to
    responsible reform. How can the New York Times be satisfied publishing
    an unverified official account of what happened in Haditha presented by
    a military that has been caught in countless lies, such as the Pat
    Tillman fabrication and the invented Jessica Lynch “rescue?” Is the US
    corporate media prepared to challenge these government propaganda
    deceptions? Or are they going to remain engaged in aiding and abetting
    the war crimes of the US military and its commander in chief?

    _______________________________________________
    (c)2004, 2005 Dahr Jamail.
    All images, photos, photography and text are protected by United States and international copyright law. If you would like to reprint Dahr’s Dispatches on the web, you need to include this copyright notice and a prominent link to the http://DahrJamailIraq.com website. Website by photographer Jeff Pflueger’s Photography Media http://jeffpflueger.com . Any other use of images, photography, photos and text including, but not limited to, reproduction, use on another website, copying and printing requires the permission of Dahr Jamail. Of course, feel free to forward Dahr’s dispatches via email.

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