This video is about Constance Markievicz.
19 November 2005
Constance Markievicz
Moira Nolan opens our series on women who fought back with a portrait of Irish revolutionary Constance Markievicz
Like most people educated in Britain, I was taught that the Tory ruling class that had opposed votes for women so vehemently nevertheless produced the first woman MP in 1919 — Nancy Astor.
When I was told this I challenged my teacher, arguing that Constance Markievicz was elected as Sinn Fein MP for St Patrick’s Dublin in 1918.
I was told she did not count, because she never took her seat in Westminster.
Of course, nobody ever explained why Constance Markievicz refused to take her seat.
Along with 72 other Sinn Fein MPs elected in Irish seats that year, Markievicz refused to recognise the right of Westminster to rule over Ireland.
She viewed her election as part of the powerful campaign to overturn 400 years of British occupation.
Markievicz was a revolutionary socialist and leading figure in the Irish Republican movement during the critical years of the early 20th century.
She was an unlikely revolutionary, born Lady Constance Gore-Booth into a class of aristocratic British landlords determined to keep Ireland firmly under their rule.
But a combination of her personal experience of oppression and her revulsion at contemporary political events led Markievicz away from her background and into the movement for change.
Her constant frustration at the restrictions placed on women in Victorian society led her to join the women’s suffrage movement.
And her anger at the brutality of British imperialism during the Boer War in South Africa led her to define herself as Irish and join Sinn Fein at the age of 40 in 1908.
Markievicz — now married to a Polish count involved in the revival of Gaelic culture — began to see how the struggle for women’s equality had to be connected to the movement for Irish independence.
“There can be no free women in an enslaved nation,” she declared.
Markievicz worked closely with James Connolly, a dynamic socialist thinker and leader of the Irish Transport and General Workers’ Union (ITGWU).
This experience helped clarify her ideas about how the various causes she championed – especially equality for women and justice for Dublin’s poor — could be linked through the wider struggle for socialism.
Read more here.
On Connolly: here.
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Dear Kitty. Some blog 
George Galloway on James Connolly: http://socialistworker.co.uk/article.php?article_id=8727
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Imperialism about 1900: mainly British quotes: http://leninology.blogspot.com/2006/05/imperialism-as-solution-to-capitalist.html
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>>>>>> Feature: Women in Struggle
————————————————————————
The theme of Sinn Fein’s Edentubber Commemoration this year was
the role of women in the struggle for Irish freedom. The following
is the text of the address by Bairbre de Brun, MEP.
————————————————————————
Fifty-one years ago close to the spot where we gather today, five
Republicans, IRA Volunteers lost their lives in a premature explosion.
Paul Smith from Bessbrook, Oliver Craven from Newry, George Keegan from
Enniscorthy, Paddy Parle from Wexford Town and Michael Watters, who
owned the cottage where the fatal explosion occurred.
Bliain is caoga o shin, congarach don ait ina bhfuilimid bailithe le
cheile inniu, chaill Cuigear Poblachtach, baill Oglaigh na hEireann, a
mbeatha ag pleascadh roimh am. Paul Smith on Sruthan, Oliver Craven on
Iur, George Keegan o Inis Corthaidh, Paddy Parle o Bhaile Loch Garman
agus Michael Watters, ar leis an teach e san ait ar tharla an pleascadh
marfach.
Is fada an t-am sin bliain is caoga, agus sin raite gach bliain o
tharla se on oiche thubaisteach sin thainig Poblachtaigh le cheile
anseo, chun cuimhneamh a dheanamh orthu siud a chaill a mbeatha agus
chun machnamh a dheanamh ar an ait a raibh ar streachailt.
Fifty one years is a long time, however in every year since that tragic
night Republicans have came together here, to remember those who lost
their lives and take stock on where our struggle was at.
In the course of recent years and again over the past 12 months our
struggle has undergone significant changes. Different times have placed
different demands on us all as activists.
But we are not driven by circumstances – we are driven by our
republican vision and in our absolute belief that the partition of our
country is wrong and that the British government has no place in
running the affairs of Irish people. These were the very same ideals
which brought the IRA to this place all those years ago.
Indeed the then Sinn Féin TD John Joe McGirl in his oration at one of
the funerals said:
“The tragedy which brought to a sudden end the lives of five great
Irishmen is a tragedy of the Irish nation, the tragedy of an Ireland
that is unfree and divided. These men came from the North and South to
join together to end the tragedy of our nation and her people.”
This year we have taken the role of women in the struggle for Irish
freedom as a theme of our commemoration. It is a very appropriate theme
because this very week marks the centenary of the organisation which
fought for and won the right to vote for Irish women – the Irish
Women’s Franchise League.
The IWFL was founded on 11 November 1908 by Hanna Sheehy Skeffington
and Margaret Cousins. Hanna was a staunch republican as well as an
active feminist. Her terms in prison reflected her activism – in 1912
for women’s rights, in 1913 for supporting the workers in the Great
Lockout, in 1914 for opposing recruiting to the British Army, in 1918
for demanding Irish independence and in 1933 for breaking the ban on
her entering the Six Counties. And there were thousands of women like
Hanna, most of whom never gained the limelight of history but without
whom there could be no freedom struggle.
90 years ago in December 1918 Irishwomen had the vote for the first
time. They played a key role in the Sinn Féin victory which led to the
establishment of the First Dail Eireann. Women’s rights were enshrined
in the 1916 Proclamation of the Irish Republic and the commitment to
equality was continued in the Democratic Programme of the First Dail.
Constance Markievicz was one of the first women Cabinet ministers in
the world. And like Hanna Sheehy Skeffington and the vast majority of
women republicans she was a strong opponent of the Treaty and the
Partition of our country.
For us as Irish Republicans in 2008, the end of partition and the unity
of our country is a live political project, as is our commitment to the
equality agenda. We have set out a clear political strategy to achieve
our republican and democratic goals. In the new phase of struggle,
those goals will be pursued through exclusively peaceful means.
The building of political strength and the use of that strength to
bring about fundamental political, social and constitutional change is
key.
Women today are proud to carry forward that progressive republican and
feminist tradition. We recall the words of Mairead Farrell that
Irishwomen have been oppressed both as women and as Irish people. Much
progress has been made through the efforts of women in struggle but
much remains to be done.
There are the powerful forces in both jurisdictions, however, who will
continue to do their best to maintain the status quo. They may not put
it in as clear terms as they once did – but there are those whose
primary political objective is the defeat of Sinn Féin and the defeat
of the Republican struggle. We must be conscious that there are those
who have benefited from partition, even though it has been very
damaging for the country as a whole. There are those who have benefited
from inequality and injustice.
Let me say to them today – be you a rejectionist unionist in the north
or an opponent of re-unification in the south – the cause of Irish
Unity is going forward, and an ever growing number of people see it as
the way ahead.
People should not be surprised or confused by the current situation in
Stormont. Remember the DUP were a party formed to oppose power sharing.
Remember Peter Robinson fronted the Smash Sinn Féin campaign. They led
the opposition to the Good Friday Agreement before embracing the
all-Ireland institutions it established.
They are reluctant partners in government. But we knew that when we
brought them over the line in the first place. But the core of the
current difficulties goes beyond policing and justice. This is about
holding the DUP to their commitments. It is about ensuring that the
equality demands of the Good Friday Agreement are delivered. It is
about puncturing the notion held by some within the ranks of the DUP
that they will operate these institutions on their terms and their
terms alone.
That isn’t going to happen. If unionists are ever going to exercise
power then they will do so acting in partnership with nationalists and
republicans and within the framework set out in the Good Friday
Agreement, with all of the checks and balances that includes. One
aspect of that will be the joint nature of the Office of the First and
Deputy First Minister.
Unionism needs to grasp this reality. It remains to be seen whether
Peter Robinson is capable of leading unionism into a new future built
upon equality and partnership or whether he will repeat the failures of
past unionist leaders harking back to days of domination,
discrimination and inequality.
But whatever decision he makes, and I hope he opts to show political
leadership and courage, our task of building the struggle continues.
Sinn Féin has already demonstrated a commitment to this process and to
finding a resolution to the current crisis. But make no mistake we are
equally determined to pursue our primary goal of Irish unity and
independence.
Nuair a cuireadh deireadh le hOibriocht Harvest 1962, chreid cuid mhor
daoine go raibh deireadh le Poblachtachas Eireannach. Shil ar namhaid,
gan chuis, nach mbeimis abalta atogail a dheanamh agus an streachailt a
chur i mbeal an phobail aris eile. Chruthaiomar go raibh siad micheart.
Ta nios mo Poblachtach ins an oilean seo anois na mar a bhi ag am ar
bith eile on chriochdheighilt. Is e an rol ata againn seilbh a ghlacadh
ar an dea-thoil ata againn amuigh ansin agus gluaiseacht fhiornaisiunta
ar son an athraithe a neartu. Gluaiseacht a bhfuil borradh fuithi gan
stad gan staonadh. Gluaiseacht ata abalta tionchar a imirt ar mhaithe
leis an athru. Cinnteoidh sin todhchai bunaithe ar an aontacht agus ar
an chomhionannas agus todhchai a fhagann teipeanna san am ata chuaigh
thart sna leabhair staire.
When Operation Harvest came to an end in 1962, many believed that Irish
Republicanism was finished. Our opponents foolishly thought that we
would never be able to rebuild and more importantly re-popularise the
struggle. We have proved them wrong. There are more Republicans on this
island now than at any time since partition. Our job is to harness the
goodwill towards us that is out there and build a truly national
movement for change. A movement whose momentum will become unstoppable
and whose ability to effect change will guarantee a future built upon
unity and equality and one which consigns the failures of past to the
history books.
Ach nil an streachailt furasta. Ni raibh si furasta i 1957, ni raibh si
furasta i 1969 no i 1981 agus b’fheidir go bhfuil si difriuil, ach nil
si furasta i 2008. Ach nior chreid duine ar bith againn nach mbeadh se
amhlaidh. Taimid reidh don bhothar fada romhainn. Caithfidh iad siud
ata ag eileamh an t-athru is mo na rioscai is mo a thabhairt orthu
Féin. Ni feidir linn fanacht inar seasamh gan bogadh. Ach ta freagracht
ar an ghluin seo de Phoblachtaigh chun an jab a chriochnu. Ni
thabharfaidh duine ar bith saoirse duinn ar phlata. Ni bheidh deireadh
simpli le criochdheighilt. Is e an rol ata againn mar Phoblachtaigh e
seo a bhaint amach.
But struggle is not easy. It was not easy in 1957, it was not easy in
1969 or 1981 and it may be different, but it is not easy in 2008. But
none of us expect it to be. We are in this for the long haul. Those of
us who demand the most change have to take the biggest risks. We cannot
stand still. But this generation of Republicans have a responsibility
to finish the job. Nobody will hand us freedom. Partition won’t simply
end. Our job as Republicans is to make this happen.
We will shortly face into elections, north and south. There will be a
sustained effort in these campaigns by the opponents of Irish Unity and
Irish republicanism to stop the advances we have made in recent years.
But I believe that we as Irish Republicans are up to the task. So let
us leave here today, reinvigorated and determined, focused on what we
have to do in the time ahead, and let us ensure that when we come back
again here next year this party and struggle is stronger and we are
further along the road to realising the objectives which saw five IRA
volunteers lose their lives here 51 years ago.
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The death also occurred last Friday of Mai Fahy (98), one of the
last surviving members of Cumann na mBan, the Irish republican women’s
military organisation.
Mrs Fahy (nee O’Dea) delivered despatches in the War of Independence.
Her husband, John Fahy, was a member of the IRA. A Tricolour covered
her coffin at her funeral Mass in Labane.
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