Ku Klux Klan interview on BBC


This video from the USA is about the Ku Klux Klan and lynching.

From daily The Morning Star in Britain today:

Protests were also held outside the BBC’s Broadcasting House in Belfast yesterday over the publicly funded corporation’s decision to interview a Ku Klux Klan member on Wednesday’s Good Morning Ulster programme.

Belfast Trades Council and the Irish Congress of Trade Unions Youth said the BBC’s decision beggars belief.

“The KKK are renowned for lynching people because of the colour of their skin. There can be no justification for these racist, divisive, reactionary beliefs nor should they be given the oxygen of publicity by the largest broadcaster on these islands,” they said.

Ku Klux Klan murder in Mississippi, USA, fifty years ago


This music video from the USA is called 12-string Guitar: Goodman Schwerner And Chaney (Including lyrics and chords). Written by Tom Paxton.

By Peter Frost in Britain:

Murder in Mississippi

Saturday 21st June 2014

PETER FROST recounts a triple murder of civil rights activists in the US Deep South 50 years ago today

HALF a century ago this week on the night of June 21 1964 three brave young civil rights’ workers, James Earl Chaney, Andrew Goodman and Mickey Schwerner, were shot dead at close range by a police-led lynch mob.

Many of the murderers were members of the Mississippi White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan in the little town of Philadelphia, Mississippi.

So who were these murder victims and why did they die?

Chaney was born in Meridian, Mississippi in 1943. At the age of 15, he and other black high-school students started wearing NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Coloured People) badges. It was a brave act. His segregated school suspended him.

In late 1963, he signed up with the Congress of Racial Equality (Core) in Meridian. He organised voter education classes, introduced Core workers to local church leaders and used his local knowledge and contacts to help visiting Core volunteers.

In 1964 he organised a meeting between Mickey Schwerner, local leader of Core, with leaders of the Mt Nebo Baptist Church. Schwerner talked to the church members and encouraged them to use the church for voter education and registration.

Schwerner was white and Jewish. Born in New York in 1939, he studied sociology at Columbia University where he became involved in the struggle for civil rights.

He joined and later led a Core group on the Lower East Side of Manhattan. With his wife Rita he volunteered to work for National Core in Mississippi.

As soon as they reached Mississippi the Schwerners were targeted by the Ku Klux Klan.

This didn’t stop them establishing a Core community centre in Meridian.

Goodman was also white, Jewish and from New York. He too was born in 1939. His family and community had a long tradition of social justice. After college and a brief career as an actor, he switched to anthropology and his political awareness grew.

In 1964, Goodman volunteered to work on the Core Freedom Summer project to register blacks to vote in Mississippi.

By mid-June, Goodman joined Schwerner and Chaney in Mississippi, but already some unsavoury southern folk had their eye on these three young men.

The Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission was strongly opposed to integration and civil rights. It paid agents to spy on anyone, especially northerners, suspected of activism.

Records, kept secret until opened by court order in 1998, revealed the state’s deep complicity in the murders of Goodman, Schwerner and Chaney.

State investigator AL Hopkins passed on information about the three men, including car registration numbers, on to the local sheriff who was deeply implicated in the murders.

On the morning of June 21, 1964, the three men set out for the little Mississippi town of Philadelphia where they were to investigate the recent burning of a black church helping with voter registration.

By the end of the day the three men would be cut down by a police-led Klan lynch mob.

Their murders sparked national outrage which forced the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), itself racked by racism and close to many of the white supremist organisations in the southern states, to reluctantly start an investigation.

J Edgar Hoover had no sympathy with civil rights groups and activists. President Lyndon Johnson had to use indirect threats of political reprisal to force Hoover to investigate.

It took FBI agents 44 days to find the three bodies in an earthen dam near the murder site.

In the early 1960s, Mississippi along with most of the US south was virtually an apartheid state with total segregation and no rights or democracy for black citizens.

Local politicians defied and ignored Supreme Court rulings. The white Mississippi establishment used bombings, murders, vandalism and intimidation to discourage local blacks demanding civil rights.

One of the most powerful racist groups was the 10,000-strong White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan. The Klan was determined that blacks should not get votes, equality in education or anything else.

Schwerner and Chaney spoke to the congregation at Mount Zion Methodist church in Longdale, Mississippi. Their speech was about setting up a freedom school and encouraging blacks to register to vote.

The Klan’s angry response was to burn down the church and beat up members of the congregation.

So it was that on that fateful day Chaney, Goodman and Schwerner set off to investigate the destruction of the church. They understood the dangers and warned comrades “if we’re not back by 4pm start looking for us.”

Their decision would prove to be fatal. As they entered the Philadelphia city limits their station wagon had a flat tyre.

Deputy Sheriff Cecil Ray Price called up the highway patrol. When they arrived they promptly arrested the three civil rights campaigners.

It was 10pm before the three were released. As they drove off they realised they were being followed by a sheriff’s vehicle, a highway patrol car and other packed vehicles.

While they were in jail a lynch mob had been assembled and three murders had been planned.

Just two weeks before the murders nearly 300 White Knights gathered near Raleigh, Mississippi, to hear Imperial Wizard Bowers warn Klan members about the “nigger-communist invasion of Mississippi.”

Goodman and Schwerner were shot at point-blank range by Klan member Alton W Roberts. Roberts also shot Chaney in the head after another man James Jordan shot him in the stomach.

After the three men were killed, their bodies were loaded into their station wagon and were driven to an earth dam where Herman Tucker was waiting for the arrival of the lynch mob. He buried the bodies using a bulldozer. It had all been planned earlier in the day.

After the bodies were buried, Sherriff Price told the group: “Well boys, you’ve done a good job. You’ve struck a blow for the white man. Mississippi can be proud of you. You’ve let those agitating outsiders know where this state stands. Go home now and forget it.”

FBI director Hoover initially ordered a small local search but Attorney General Robert Kennedy had other ideas. He sent in 150 federal agents from New Orleans. The FBI eventually offered a $25,000 reward — worth about $190,000 today.

Mississippi officials resented the outside attention and continued the cover-up. County Sheriff Lawrence Rainey told the media: “They’re just hiding and trying to cause a lot of bad publicity for this part of the state.”

The Mississippi governor Paul Johnson threw in a red herring by suggesting that “they could be in Cuba.”

Finally five months later the FBI accused 21 Mississippi men of conspiracy to injure, oppress, threaten and intimidate Chaney, Goodman and Schwerner.

Still the Mississippi state officials refused to prosecute the killers for murder. The federal government charged 18 of the accused — not with murder but the much lesser crime of conspiring to deprive the three of their civil rights.

Those found guilty on October 20, 1967 were Cecil Price, Klan Imperial Wizard Samuel Bowers, Alton Wayne Roberts, Jimmy Snowden, Billey Wayne Posey, Horace Barnett and Jimmy Arledge.

Less than harsh sentences ranged from three to 10 years. Exhaustive appeals meant the seven did not go to jail until March 1970. All were out by 1976.

Sheriff Rainey was acquitted. Two of the defendants, EG Barnett, a candidate for sheriff, and Baptist minister Edgar Ray Killen, had been strongly implicated in the murders by witnesses but the jury came to a hung verdict — a lone juror stating she “could never convict a preacher.” The federal prosecutor decided not to retry them.

In 1989, on the 25th anniversary of the murders, the US Congress honoured the three murdered men. Senator Trent Lott and the rest of the Mississippi delegation refused to vote for it.

In 2005, over 40 years after the murder, a Mississippi grand jury finally indicted Killen on three counts of manslaughter, not murder. He was sentenced to three consecutive terms of 20 years.

It was the first and only time the state of Mississippi, rather than the federal authorities, took action against any of the racists involved in the killings.

National outrage over the murders swayed public opinion and this was an important factor in the introduction of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

Today in the southern states of the US as well as here in Europe racist ideas are still to be heard. Brave people are still fighting racism in all its forms, and wherever those battles are fought the names of Chaney, Goodman and Schwerner live on as an inspiring example to us all.

This Saturday marked the 50th anniversary of one of the most heinous crimes carried out during the long struggle to destroy the barriers of Jim Crow segregation in the American South. On the night of June 21, 1964, James Chaney, Michael Schwerner and Andrew Goodman, participants in the Freedom Summer campaign that aimed to add tens of thousands of disenfranchised African Americans to the voter rolls in the state of Mississippi, were murdered by a gang of Ku Klux Klansmen: here.

German nazi terror witness’ mysterious death


This video is called German MPs condemn handling of neo-Nazi cell case.

By Sven Heymann in Germany:

Witness in German NSU investigation dies in car fire

22 October 2013

In the scandal surrounding a series of murders by Germany’s far-right terrorist group, the National Socialist Underground (NSU), there have been important developments in recent weeks that have gone largely unreported by the mainstream media.

In mid-September, there was a mysterious death in Stuttgart. The 21-year-old Florian H burned to death in his car. On the same evening, the state criminal investigation agency (LKA) in Baden-Württemberg had called him in for questioning. The young man from Eppingen in the Heilbronn region was to have given information on the extreme right scene, according to the newspaper Berliner Zeitung.

According to police sources, the young man committed suicide. Underlying the suicide, they added, were personal problems, suggesting that they stemmed from a break-up with his girlfriend. Although no suicide note was found, the police quickly ruled out the involvement of other people in his death. Therefore, there would be no further investigation, police spokesman Thomas Ulmer stated.

Despite this, witnesses have reported that shortly after Florian H got into his car, they heard an explosion. Only afterwards did the vehicle burst into flames, ending up burned out.

As the Schwäbische Tagblatt wrote, the mother of the victim also questions the suicide. In an Internet forum she described him as “a person who was full of life and critical” who had “dreams, desires and goals.” “Those who knew him do not think it was suicide,” she went on.

What was Florian H’s connection to the extreme right scene?

The police designated him as a hanger-on of the extreme right. The police questioned H for the first time in January 2012 about the murder of policewoman Michèle Kiesewetter, after they had received an anonymous tip about him. The crime, which took place in Heilbronn in April 2007, was blamed on the NSU. During questioning, H declared that he knew nothing about the murder of Kiesewetter.

Instead, Florian H reported that along with the NSU there was another dangerous right-wing group called neoschutzstaffel (NSS), named after Hitler’s SS. Activists from the NSU and NSS even met on one occasion in Uhrlingen near Heilbronn, although H was not sure when.

For its part, the LKA has not been able to verify this statement. But they obviously thought it was plausible enough to ask H to return for a second round of questioning. The information was first made public in August of this year, when it cropped up in the final report of the parliamentary investigative committee as a short note. It is also known that the members of the NSU had close ties to Baden-Württemberg. Personal visits took place with neo-Nazi members in Ludwigsburg and Heilbronn.

However, the connection between the murder of Kiesewetter and the series of murders of nine immigrants by the NSU remains unclear. The murder of the policewoman does not fit into the picture of racially motivated murders. It is also significant that the series of murders came to an abrupt end with the crime in Heilbronn in April 2007.

The surroundings in which the murdered police officer worked are noteworthy. Two officers worked in her unit who were members in the German section of the racist Ku Klux Klan (KKK) in the early 2000s. One of the pair was even a group leader of Kiesewetter’s unit.

The German KKK, as has since become known, was a creation of the domestic surveillance agency in Baden-Württemberg. According to statements by the chairman of the NSU parliamentary investigative committee, Sebastian Edathy of the Social Democrats (SPD), half of the organisation was made up of agents of the surveillance service. Thomas Richter, alias “Corelli,” who worked for the federal intelligence service for more than a decade, was also a member.

Michèle Kiesewetter’s uncle, who is also a police officer, speculated after the murder that it could have a connection to the “Döner murders.” In his opinion, there was still no official connection between these murders and the extreme right.

Did Michèle Kiesewetter know too much? Did she possibly intend to uncover something but ended up turning to the “wrong” colleagues?

It remains questionable whether the three NSU members, Mundlos, Böhnhardt and Zschäpe were directly behind the murder of Kiesewetter. The evidence proving their connection to this was the discovery of the officer’s service weapon in the burnt out caravan of Mundlos and Böhnhardt in November 2011.

However, there is evidence that the murder could have been carried out by others. Along with Kiesewetter, another police officer, Martin Arnold, was also a victim in the attack. He survived with gunshot wounds. Images of the suspects produced from his memory were concealed by the authorities, and only became visible several weeks ago. They show people who bear no likeness to the three NSU members.

The critical questions here are: what is the state trying to conceal and what methods are they using to do this?

According to media reports, it was Michael See, an intelligence agent, who developed the terrorist concept which the NSU based themselves on. The Berliner Zeitung reported that See worked out the theoretical conception of building autonomous cells. In his book devoted to the subject, entitled “Sonnenbanner,” he allegedly urged groups to go underground, according to Zeit Online.

In the early 1990s, See led the local cell in Leinefelde in Thüringen, where he led their paramilitary sports group and maintained good contact with the Thüringen homeland defence (THS) out of which the NSU emerged. In a report from the federal domestic intelligence services to the federal criminal investigation agency in February, it was stated that a “relationship” between See and Mundlos could “not be totally ruled out.”

As an agent for the domestic intelligence service, See, who has been charged with attempted manslaughter, earned at least 66,000 marks between 1995 and 2001.

His handlers in the domestic intelligence agency were well aware of the explosive nature of these events. Just one week after the exposure of the NSU in November 2011, the responsible department destroyed the file of agent “Tarif,” as See was known in the intelligence service. The files on six other agents were destroyed during the same period. The domestic intelligence service explained publicly that this concerned people who were merely hangers-on or peripheral figures within the extreme right milieu.

With every week that passes, it is becoming clearer that state authorities cooperated with criminals, covered this up and in so doing at least made possible a series of racist murders which cost the lives of nine immigrants and a police officer.

They also undermined the effective exposure of right-wing extremist criminals. As the LKA official Sven Wunderlich, who was commissioned to locate the three NSU members after they went underground in February 1998, stated before an NSU investigative committee in Erfurt, his work had been blocked by the intelligence services.

The state intelligence agency in Thüringen, with which the detectives from the federal criminal investigative agency cooperated, concealed information and the measures that it had taken. “Our work was sabotaged,” said Wunderlich. He had only two possible explanations for this: “Either we were not supposed to find the trio at that time, perhaps because one of them already had ties with the intelligence services. Or the intelligence agency wanted to find the trio before us, so that that they could clear up particular matters with them, without the police or judicial authorities.”

German Ku Klux Klan and secret service


This music video is by the Ramones, The KKK took my baby away, LIVE in Sweden.

By Sven Heymanns in Germany:

German Ku Klux Klan founded by state’s intelligence agency

1 November 2012

The German branch of the racist secret society, the Ku Klux Klan (KKK), was set up and led by an undercover agent of the state of Baden-Württemberg’s secret service.

According to a report in the Tagesspiegel daily newspaper, an organisation called the “European White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan–Realm of Germany” was established by a white supremacist government spy in October 2000. A short time later, the man was appointed by a KKK group in the US to the position of national leader, a “Grand Dragon”. The German branch existed until early 2003.

But that was not all. The agent was not only working for the secret service of a German state; it appears he was also operating with the official protection of one of his colleagues. An employee of the intelligence agency is suspected of having passed on to him “anonymous confidential information” in 2002. In particular, this person allegedly warned him that his phone was being tapped.

The Ku Klux Klan is one of a long line of ultra right-wing organisations set up by German secret service agents with the help of state funds.

Investigations into the extreme right-wing National Democratic Party (NDP) associations in the states of Thuringia and North Rhine-Westphalia had already revealed they could not have developed as they did without funding provided by the secret service. Several neo-Nazis openly boasted they had drawn funds from the intelligence service for a number of years.

Baden-Württemberg’s Interior Minister Reinhold Gall (Social Democratic Party, SDP) would not confirm that the founder of Germany’s extreme right-wing KKK organisation was an undercover agent belonging to his state’s secret service agency. However, he also did not deny the allegation, instead drawing attention to the case’s highest level of secrecy that ostensibly made it impossible for him to comment on media reports.

Beate Bube, head of the state’s secret service agency, also refused to confirm whether an agent was associated with the founding of the local KKK. She said the identity of undercover agents had to be protected and added: “The issue could involve a criminal betrayal of state secrets, and that’s precisely what we want to avoid doing”.

Although Gall had confirmed before the domestic affairs select committee that a member of the secret service had cautioned the leader of the KKK about certain state surveillance measures, he avoided repeating this to the press.

As is now customary in such episodes, Gall and Bube asserted that the case was an “isolated” one. According to Die Welt, the daily newspaper, Bube said there is “no reason to doubt that agency employees fulfil their statutory duties correctly and irreproachably, and there is no reason to believe that they lack awareness of democratic procedures”.

The close links between the state and the Ku Klux Klan raises new questions about possible links between government agencies and the right-wing terrorists of the National Socialist Underground (NSU). Plenty of overlap has been discovered between the KKK and the NSU.

Two of the three members of the NSU, Uwe Böhnhardt and Beate Tschäpe, were spotted near Jena at a cross burning attended by 20 neo-Nazis in the mid-1990s. Tschäpe even had photos of the scene and personally informed the public prosecutor about their attendance. That was before Tschäpe, Böhnhardt and Uwe Mundlos went into hiding and began their killing spree.

The identity of another undercover agent, operating in the KKK’s ranks under the code name “Corelli”, was discovered by police in 1998 on an address list Mundlos had hidden in a garage. But the main cause of suspicion is the fact that two members of the relatively small KKK group in Baden-Württemberg were close colleagues of the NSU’s last murder victim, policewoman Michèle Kiesewetter. Kiesewetter was shot in April 2007 and the series of NSU killings then abruptly ceased.

The murder of a German policewoman is not commensurate with the criminal operations of the NSU. All the other murders had immigrants as their victims and were obviously racially motivated. To date, there is no plausible explanation why Kiesewetter became a target of the NSU. The question arises as to whether the former KKK memberships of her squad leader and another police colleague played a role.

A parliamentary committee of inquiry into the NSU is now dealing with the case. But no clarification can be expected from that quarter because the investigation is systematically blocked by the authorities and the committee itself has little interest in bringing the facts to light. Finally, all the parties represented on the committee are involved to some extent in government office and are therefore responsible for police and the intelligence service.

Only occasionally, when it is all too obvious they are being led around by the nose, do the committee members allow some measure of the truth to surface. Responding to the new revelations about the KKK, Free Democratic Party deputy Hartfrid Wolff groaned: “Were there then any members [of the KKK] who were not in the police or secret service?” A legitimate question!

The authorities are continuing their attempt to prevent any further unravelling of the events. They have stopped referring to undeniable revelations as “mishaps”, “slips” and “isolated cases”; they append the official designation of “secret” to files that could lead to further clarification, or they destroy huge numbers of them. It is now known that far more records relating to the NSU affair have been destroyed than was initially announced.

Heinz Fromm resigned in July from his post as president of the Federal Office of the Secret Service, following the official revelation that numerous files relevant to the case had been shredded immediately after the breaking up of the NSU cell last November.

A secret interior ministry report in possession of the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung newspaper has now revealed that, between the discovery of the NSU gang and Fromm’s resignation, not only folders detailing 26 wiretappings of right-wing extremists were destroyed. The obliteration of evidence also extended to 94 personnel files, eight evaluation case files, 137 research and public relations records and 45 files on so-called “warranted persons” of the secret service.

During his appearance before the parliamentary committee, former vice president of the Constitutional Committee Klaus-Dieter Fritsche displayed an arrogance that infuriated even the normally meek parliamentary deputies. He pointedly told them they would be receiving only officially approved documents, and more or less declared them an outright security risk.

Interior Minister Hans-Peter Friedrich (Christian Social Union, CSU) did assure the committee that it would be given the files of all the secret service authorities. But these will be heavily redacted. Friedrich also said the real names of undercover agents could not be disclosed to the deputies. Insight into the “inside operations” of the security agency will not be permitted, because “the life and death of people are concerned. And it’s a matter of public welfare”.

Nazi, KKK scandals in German police


This music video from Britain is called Steel Pulse – Ku Klux Klan 1978.

By Sebastian Brügge in Germany:

German police linked to neo-Nazi murders and Ku Klux Klan

16 August 2012

In 2001, an unusual ceremony took place near Schwäbisch Hall in the German state of Baden-Württemberg. A man was led blindfolded to a secret location, where he signed an oath in blood and was initiated into the Ku Klux Klan with a “knightly” dubbing.

The individual who described his admission into the organisation, the European White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, was a police officer. Another policeman was also a member of the fascist organization at the time.

Furthermore, both were colleagues of Michèle Kiesewetter, a policewoman murdered in Heilbronn in 2007. One of the men had been her squad leader. Kiesewetter’s killing was attributed to the extreme right-wing terrorist organization, the National Socialist Underground (NSU, Nationalsozialistischer Untergrund), responsible for the murder of nine immigrants between 2000 and 2006.

The membership of the two police in the Ku Klux Klan came to light during the recent review of files connected with the racist murders carried out by the NSU. This was confirmed by the state interior ministry in Stuttgart. The officers, now 32 and 42, are still serving in the police force.

Police investigations into the Ku Klux Klan unearthed the involvement of the two officers in 2003. The two officers claimed in their statements that they were initially unaware of the Klan’s racist outlook. Explaining the reasons for their membership, they mentioned the Klan’s “interesting” bible readings, the “nice and friendly” company, and the hope of meeting some women there. One of the officers was said to have left the group when “a real Nazi” started spouting slogans at one of the meetings.

This account is utterly implausible. The words Ku Klux Klan immediately bring to everyone’s mind images of white hoods, burning crosses and racial hatred against black people. The German branch of the Ku Klux Klan, which has allegedly once again disbanded, rarely showed itself in public. It operated in secret and predominantly in the violent far-right scene, the milieu that spawned the NSU and that is thoroughly penetrated by secret service undercover agents.

The Tageszeitung newspaper reported that internal documents of the Baden-Württemberg Office for the Protection of the Constitution (as the secret service is called) revealed the German branch of the US organization was founded in October 2000 by skinhead musician S. Achim, alias Ryan Davis. It consisted of about 20 members until around late 2002. The aim of the German branch of the Klan was the “preservation of the white race in a white Europe”. Only those who had white skin and no Jewish ancestry were accepted into the organization.

Photographs belonging to the musician showed the two policemen posing in front of Ku Klux Klan flags. It was apparent that they were at home in this environment. It remains to be seen whether the initial position of the federal prosecutor’s office—i.e., its claim that neither of the two police officers was connected with the NSU—will be maintained.

Many questions are raised by the murder of policewoman Michèle Kiesewetter, who came from the same state (Thuringia) as her alleged murderers. Unlike the NSU’s previous murders, there were no grounds for suspecting a racist motive behind the killing.

The Bild tabloid recently reported that the two NSU terrorists, Uwe Böhnhardt and Uwe Mundlos, had for days been lying in wait for the police officer in vain, because she had suddenly decided to spend a holiday with her mother. But on April 25, 2007, Kiesewetter telephoned the department where she worked in Heilbronn, asking to be placed on patrol. According to the duty roster, she should have been off.

Böhnhardt and Mundlos subsequently extended the lease on their caravan home. The newspaper asked: “Did they receive a tip-off?” Could it possibly have come from the two police officers with ties to the Ku Klux Klan, one of whom was Kiesewetter’s boss?

The Report aus München television program recently revealed that Kiesewetter’s godfather, who is also a policeman, made a remarkable statement in May 2007. Just eight days after the murder of his niece, he had concluded it was related to “the murder of the Turks”.

This raises the question of what the police officer knew at that time. The relationship between the immigrants’ and Kiesewetter’s murders was only made public when the NSU was uncovered in early November last year. It is also unclear why no one was prepared at the time to pursue such vital evidence. Kiesewetter’s uncle refused to be interviewed by the television reporters.

The truth is that the extreme right-wing, violent milieu was well acquainted with the racist murders. Could Kiesewetter possibly have learnt something from them? Did she know her killers? Böhnhardt had repeatedly visited her home town of Oberweissbach in Thuringia. An NSU supporter had even run a pub there. The question also remains: why did the NSU cease its racist killings after the murder of the police officer?

The testimony of witnesses to the murder has also proved to be contradictory. Two statements indicate that a single man with a bloodied arm fled into a waiting car. Other witnesses saw two men and a woman escaping the scene. The investigating authorities have now concluded that the accounts are not credible.

However, Clemens Binninger, a former police officer and conservative Christian Democratic Union member of the NSU parliamentary inquiry committee, says the statements are credible since they are in line with police records and assumptions.

Following analysis of the testimony in 2009, the Baden-Württemberg criminal investigation department proposed that, in fact, up to six people were involved.

All that can be said is that Michèle Kiesewetter was certainly not killed because the terrorists were “weapons fanatics” bent on stealing the weapons of Kiesewetter and her colleague, who survived with serious injuries. That is what the federal criminal police office (BKA) originally claimed.

After the summer break, the Heilbronn murder will be the central focus of the NSU parliamentary investigative committee, and additional relevant documents from Baden-Württemberg have already been requested. Some of the records were withheld from the initial inquiry because they were allegedly “irrelevant to the case”.

According to Binninger, the investigative committee then requested all the files. “I strongly suspect that the Baden-Württemberg interior ministry is behaving just as all the other ministries have behaved so far”, he said. However, he believes “that we will get all the files we need for our task”.

Binninger’s confidence that all files will be passed on to the investigation committee is seriously misplaced in view of the widely reported deliberate destruction of documents.

The intelligence services—the Secret Service and the Military Counterintelligence Service—and the police authorities have for months repeatedly destroyed records or withheld important files from the committee. Some files were even shredded by order of the interior ministry.

As a result, the precise details of the relationships between the intelligence agencies, the extreme right and the NSU remain hidden and the circumstances surrounding the murder of Kiesewetter unexplained.

German secret service paid undercover agent “Hitler’s birthday” premium: here.

Boston Police Newsletter Wracked With Racism, Sexism. Dan Massoglia, Truthout in the USA: “For the uninitiated, it is almost too fantastic to believe. A police department’s union, supremely tone-deaf in a city with a discriminatory history, puts out a newsletter that open-heartedly embraces racism, sexism and homophobia – the very things of which police departments constantly deny accusations of being guilty”: here.

KKK in German police scandal


This music video is called Ramones – The KKK took my baby away LIVE in Sweden, in 1981.

From weekly Der Spiegel in Germany, with photos there [by the way, Der Spiegel misspells Klu Klux Klan; I have corrected that to Ku Klux Klan]:

8/02/2012

Racist ‘Scandal’ German Police Kept Jobs Despite KKK Involvement

By Florian Gathmann

Officials allowed two German police officers to keep their jobs even after it emerged they had been members of a Ku Klux Klan spin-off group. The men were also colleagues of a policewoman believed to have been murdered by a neo-Nazi terrorist cell discovered last year. Whether there was any direct connection or not, politicians are demanding answers.

A racism scandal is unfolding in Germany this week following the revelation that two police officers in the southern state of Baden-Württemberg had been members of a German spin-off group of the Ku Klux Klan. The two men are still serving in uniform — one on the normal police force and the other as a squad commander for the riot-control police. The state’s Interior Ministry on Wednesday confirmed reports that the men had been involved with a group that called itself the European White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan (EWK).

The development has left many officials dumbfounded: How, they are asking, could public officers who swear an oath to protect the constitution have been members of a racist organization? Officials first uncovered the links during an ongoing investigation of the murderous National Socialist Underground (NSU) neo-Nazi terror cell. Between 2000 and 2007, the group allegedly murdered at least nine small businessmen of mainly Turkish descent, along with one policewoman, Michèle Kiesewetter. The two police officers with alleged Ku Klux Klan links also happened to be colleagues of Kiesewetter.

If not for neo-Nazi terror investigation, light might never have been cast on the fact that the Klan has been active in Germany. EWK operated in Baden-Württemberg between 2000 and 2002, with domestic intelligence counting some 20 members in the end, according to German daily Die Tageszeitung. But even more unbelievable than the group’s existence is that German police officers were involved, and that very little action was taken once they were exposed. While they were both reportedly subject to disciplinary action, they were still allowed to keep their jobs.

Sebastian Edathy, a member of the center-left Social Democratic Party who heads an investigative committee on the crimes of the NSU in Germany’s parliament, the Bundestag, is calling the situation a scandal. “Civil servants who are or were members of a decidedly anti-democratic, extremist organization must be removed from the police force,” he said.

Hartfrid Wolff, a member of the business-friendly Free Democratic Party who is also a member of parliament’s domestic affairs committee, expressed similar shock over the revelations. “I never would have imagined this,” he said. Fellow domestic affairs committee member Wolfgang Wieland of the Green Party, spoke of “inexcusable behavior”.

Police Officers Claimed Ignorance

Internally, authorities have been aware of the case since 2003, when they uncovered evidence of the officers’ temporary membership during a search of the EWK leader’s apartment in the city of Schwäbisch Hall. During the ensuing disciplinary proceedings, the two officers justified their participation by saying they only become aware of the true character of the organization after they had been members for a while. After learning the truth about the group, they claim, the men left it. One of the police officers reported that it only dawned on him after an aggressive neo-Nazi from eastern Germany with tattoos of Adolf Hitler appeared at a meeting.

Membership for one of the officers lasted half a year, while the other quit the EWK even sooner. The men appear to have convinced their superiors of their naïveté, because they both kept their jobs.

But with the newly revealed connection to murdered policewoman Kiesewetter, their KKK past has come into question once again. One of the men had been Kiesewetter’s immediate superior in the riot police, leading a group of about 10 officers.

‘Connection Remains Uncertain’

But was there a connection between these two officers and Kiesewetter’s murder? There has been ample speculation that her alleged murderers, the NSU, were in possession of insider information.

See also here.