Hungarian nazi fuehrer out of London


This video says about itself:

AN AMERICAN PHILANTHROPIST CHALLENGES HUNGARIAN NEO-NAZI “JOBBIK” TERRORISTS

1 Aug 2011

OPEN LETTERS

Morvai

Krisztina Morvai, member of the European Parliament for the Jobbik nazi party. “In 1989 she was the first recipient of a British Government scholarship for students in central Europe and was presented with her award by UK Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher personally”, according to Wikipedia.

wrote an open letter to Eleni Tsakopoulos-Kounalakis, United States Ambassador to Hungary, on the occasion that the ambassador visited the headquarters of three parties but not that of Jobbik, on the night of the 2010 general election. This was answered by Richard Field, an American businessman, living in Hungary, the main financial supporter of the party Politics Can Be Different.

“Can anyone imagine Ms. Morvai as the president of the Republic of Hungary, the post for which her party nominated her? As it is, she is an embarrassment in Brussels.”

From daily The Morning Star in Britain:

Theresa May should take a stand

Friday 24th January 2014

Vona’s Jobbik party has a consistent record of Holocaust denial

Home Secretary Theresa May was guest of honour at the Board of Deputies of British Jews annual dinner last November, telling those present that the coalition government would “not tolerate anti-semitism in any form.”

She has the opportunity to make good on that pledge today by slapping a ban on Hungarian fascist leader Gabor Vona’s planned visit to Britain this weekend.

Vona’s Jobbik (Movement for a Better Hungary) party has a consistent record of Holocaust denial and hatred towards Jews and Roma who were the principal targets of nazi genocide.

A Budapest government ban on Jobbik’s Hungarian Guard movement paramilitary wing was confirmed in December by the European Court of Human Rights, ruling that its marches were intended to induce fear and lay the basis for an “essentially racist” legal order.

The ECHR also highlighted the Hungarian judgement that “the movement’s activities and manifestations were based on racial conflict between Hungarian majority and Roma minority,” which reflects fascist involvement in several murders of Roma.

However, despite ordering disbandment of the Hungarian Guard, the conservative government in Budapest has been half-hearted at best in its efforts to counter anti-semitism.

Hungarian Jews have threatened to boycott the official Holocaust memorial events this weekend in protest at its trivialisation by the Veritas historical institute, set up by the government in November.

Jewish umbrella body Mazsihisz demanded the removal of its director Sandor Szakaly, who recently referred to the 1941 removal of 18,000 Jewish refugees to the Kamenets-Podolsk death camp in Ukraine as “a police action against aliens.”

Jobbik leaders have been able to get away with calls for a special police force to deal with “Gypsy crime” and protests against the World Jewish Congress being held in Budapest, dubbing the delegates “Israeli conquerors” who should “look for another country in the world because Hungary is not for sale.”

Vona claims that his planned visit is to address Hungarians living in Britain on Sunday about national and European parliamentary elections due later this year.

If our government allows him a platform in London, he will attract a turnout not only from fascist-minded Hungarians but also from the flotsam and jetsam of Britain’s far-right that has been in free-fall in recent times.

This country’s own faded fuehrer Nick Griffin has already expressed his delight at forming an electoral pact for the EU poll with Jobbik.

Griffin‘s BNP made a tactical decision some years ago to mute its anti-semitism and put its jackboots and swastikas in cold storage in the hope of making an electoral breakthrough.

As that breakthrough has degenerated into a breakdown, he seeks to enthuse dwindling numbers of the faithful by aligning the BNP with openly murderous groups.

As Griffin himself put it, “there are a common core set of values.” These are visible and readily understandable.

It should be unthinkable for any mainstream politician to allow free entry to an undesirable such as Vona, especially when Holocaust Memorial Day is due to be commemorated on Monday.

If the words Never Again inscribed at Dachau concentration camp are to mean anything, there can be no question of allowing the vile racism that characterised Germany’s nazi regime to be spouted freely.

The Home Secretary should order the immigration authorities to ban entry to Vona and any other Jobbik leader coming to Britain.

Hungary’s UN envoy makes country’s first-ever Holocaust apology: here.

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Ukraine, police violence and anti-Semitic oppositionists


This video is called Ukraine far-right Svoboda party anti-Semitism.

By Stefan Steinberg:

Three dead in clash between Ukrainian regime and right-wing protesters

23 January 2014

At least three protesters died yesterday when police moved in with tear gas and clubs to clear hundreds of demonstrators lodged behind barricades close to Kiev’s Independence Square.

One of the victims was a 30-year-old man who is alleged to have been shot four times by riot police. Medical staff also reported two other fatalities.

Following reports of the deaths, Ukrainian Prime Minister Mykola Azarov denounced the demonstrators as terrorists and provocateurs whose “criminal” actions would be punished.

One group particularly active in the street fighting around Independence Square is the ultra-right nationalist Right Sector, a coalition of right-wing organizations and supporters of local soccer clubs.

In a statement on Monday, the group claimed credit for the violent confrontations with police on Sunday and pledged to continue its activities until President Yanukovych resigned.

The police offensive against the demonstrators followed the mass demonstrations last weekend protesting against new laws imposing harsh restrictions on freedom of assembly, with jail terms of up to 15 years for “participation in mass riots.”

On Wednesday morning, the police repeatedly told protesters through loudspeakers that their actions were “a grave violation of the law” and asked them to disperse. Mobile phone users in the protest zone received a threatening SMS saying: “Dear subscriber, you are registered as a participant in an unsanctioned rally.”

The deaths are the first fatalities since protests began against the Ukrainian government just over two months ago. They came just one day after a warning by Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov that the intervention by European governments had aggravated tensions in Ukraine, and that the situation was “spinning out of control.”

Lavrov said, “We have information that much of this is being stimulated from abroad,” adding that “members of several European governments rushed to the Maidan without any invitation and took part in anti-government demonstrations.” Such behaviour, Lavrov said, was “simply indecent.”

Lavrov was referring to the interventions in December by EU foreign policy chief Catherine Ashton and then-German Foreign Minister Guido Westerwelle who openly expressed their solidarity with demonstrators. EU incursions on behalf of the opposition were supported by Washington. US Senator John McCain addressed a mass rally in Independence Square and dined with leaders of the opposition parties, including Oleh Tyahnybok, the leader of the ultra-right and anti-Semitic Svoboda party.

Washington and Berlin have mobilized the most right-wing, reactionary forces in their campaign to overthrow Yanukovych and replace him with a regime who would break the country’s longstanding ties with Russia and implement austerity through the EU.

At the start of December, Svoboda supporters tore down a statue of Vladimir Lenin in the city centre to the chants of “Hang the Commie!”

Svoboda organizes regular commemorations to the notorious Ukrainian collaborator with the Nazis, Stepan Bandera. The party is a member of the so-called Alliance of European National Movements, which includes the British National Party, National Demokraterna of Sweden, the Front National in France, Fiamma Tricolore in Italy, the Belgian National Front, and Jobbik in Hungary.

Drawing its forces from the same backward social layers as Right Sector, Svoboda has played a leading role in the Kiev protests since they began in November. Party leader Tyahnybok regularly begins his demagogic speeches to the crowds with his rallying cry, “Glory to Ukraine!”

The same nationalist chant has been taken up at the mass rallies by the leaders of the two other main opposition parties, the Ukrainian Democratic Alliance led by boxer Vitali Klitschko and the nationalist Fatherland Party of Arseniy Yatsenyuk, who is allied to jailed oligarch and former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoschenko.

In an interview with the Guardian on Wednesday, Klitschko vehemently defended his collaboration with the neo-fascist Tyahnybok, declaring: “In order to land a punch, you need to bring your fingers together into a fist. We need to join all of our forces together. That is the only way that we can win.”

Klitschko’s UDA is sponsored by the Konrad Adenauer Foundation of the conservative Christian Democratic Union in Germany and supported by the conservative faction in the European parliament.

In addition to the support of the EU bureaucracy, the White House and the German government, the Ukrainian opposition has also received fulsome support from intellectuals from all over the globe. Their praise for the Ukrainian ultra-right forces speaks volumes on the corrupt and reactionary character of the social tendencies that dominate intellectual and university life today.

At the start of January, academics and publicists including Andrew Arato, Zygmunt Bauman, Seyla Benhabib, Richard J Bernstein, Claus Offe and Slavoj Žižek issued an appeal declaring: “The Ukrainian Maidan represents Europe at its best—what many thinkers in the past and present assume to be fundamental European values.”

They called “on our governments and international organisations to support Ukrainians in their efforts to put an end to a corrupt and brutal regime.”

The “Open letter on the future of Ukraine” issued by a group of Western academics and foreign policy operatives is a vile defense of the ongoing far-right protests in Ukraine supported by Washington and the European Union (EU). It peddles the old lie, repeated over nearly a quarter century of imperialist wars and interventions in Eastern Europe since the dissolution of the USSR in 1991, that US and EU policy is driven only by a disinterested love of democracy and human rights: here.

John McCain Went To Ukraine And Stood On Stage With A Man Accused Of Being An Anti-Semitic Neo-Nazi: here.

Right-wing, pro-Western opposition forces in Ukraine pushed the country one step closer to all-out civil war yesterday, rejecting President Viktor Yanukovych’s proposed concessions and demanding that he step down. The opposition aims to install a far-right administration pledged to implement the austerity policies of the European Union (EU) and International Monetary Fund: here.

Violent clashes between police and protesters yesterday in Kiev mark an escalation of the campaign by the pro-Western opposition to oust Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych. The opposition, backed by the United States and German governments, aims to install a far-right regime committed to integrating Ukraine within the European Union and implementing its demands for austerity measures: here.

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German nazis Kristallnacht crimes


This video says about itself:

Kristallnacht – A Documentary Part 1 of 5

7 Sep 2011

Here is good documentary from the History Channel on Reichskristallnacht, the night of broken glass. On November 9–10 November 1938, all across Germany Jewish businesses were ransacked, synagogues burned down, Jews sent to concentration camps and murdered. It was the first big anti-Semitic event in Germany before the war started. Here the events leading up to it are chronicled as well. The most hard-hitting quote is when it is said that this marked the end of German Jewry. Very depressing…

By Elizabeth Zimmerman in Germany:

A contemporary account of the German pogroms of November 1938

7 January 2014

Shortly after the November 1938 pogroms, journalist and historian Konrad Heiden wrote a work entitled Night Oath, in which he gave a detailed account of the horrific events marking the transition from social discrimination to the systematic brutalization and persecution of Jews in Germany.

Heiden’s study is based on numerous eyewitness reports collected by the Jewish Central Information Office and the exiled Social Democratic Party, foreign press articles, and an analysis of the Nazi press. It appeared in early 1939 under the title of The New Inquisition in English, Tyskland i fara in Swedish and Les vêpres hitlériennes in French. A Dutch edition was planned, but it was eventually banned by the Dutch prime minister, in order to avoid harming Holland’s relations with Nazi Germany.

For the first time since the events 75 years ago, the Wallenstein Verlag has now published a German edition of this insightful and readable book under the title of A Night in November 1938: A contemporary report. It has been carefully edited by Markus Roth, Sascha Feuchert and Christiane Weber, who have also provided the text with an extensive commentary. The 190-page book also includes a review of the life of Konrad Heiden (1901-1966) by Markus Roth, who is working on a biography of the author.

Konrad Heiden was already living in exile in Paris in 1938. He had been closely observing the rise of National Socialism since its beginnings in Munich in the 1920s, detailing it in several books. His two-volume biography of Hitler was published by Europa Verlag in Zurich in 1936 and 1937. A Wikipedia article notes, “Among the many biographies of Hitler today, there is hardly one that is not based on the authentic descriptions found in this work, although the author himself is largely forgotten”.

The opening pages of A Night in November 1938 depict the eerie scene of fifty thousand young men, swearing an oath of allegiance to the Führer as part their ceremonial admittance into the SS (Hitler’s elite force), and going on to commit systematic atrocities against the Jewish population on the same night of November 9, 1938.

“Today you are entering the organisation that silently presides over Germany. Today you become members of the mystical, fearful, all-powerful SS. The SS doesn’t indulge in the rip-roaring celebrations. It doesn’t sing and exult on the great anniversaries of the movement. It observes silently and coldly, hardly noticed. But those on whom its snake eyes fall disappear noiselessly from view, from the world, perhaps even from life. The SS doesn’t begrudge the people their revels or the SA (paramilitary wing of Nazi Party) their parades; they themselves rule in silence. Many do not love us, but all will fear us”, said SS commander Heinrich Himmler.

On the following pages Heiden describes how the Nazis exploited the Paris assassination of German diplomat Ernst vom Rath by the 17-year-old Herschel Grynszpan as an excuse for their anti-Semitic provocations and the coming atrocities of November 9. He chronicles in a few paragraphs how the discrimination against the Jewish population had intensified since the Nazis’ seizure of power. In doing so, he reminds readers of the close connection between social progress in Germany and the emancipation of the Jews:

“After a hundred and fifty years of lethargy, the spiritual and political renewal of Germany begins towards the end of the eighteenth century at the same time as the emancipation of the German Jews. The discovery that all human beings are ‘equal’ endowed all peoples with enormous power in that era; the Jews were among those newly empowered. They constituted a new ferment in German society, aiding its advancement. It cannot be denied that anti-Semitism found such a movement and its consequences damaging; that is a matter of opinion. But the fact is that the historical rise of Germany in the nineteenth century cannot be separated from the historical rise of German Jewry. The integration of Germany into the process of Western European economic development since the 1850s was to a considerable extent the work of its Jews. The Jewish contribution to the natural sciences, from Hertz to Einstein, cannot be seriously disputed. But it was not only in the practical arts that they made significant achievements. Members of the Jewish circle around Rahel Levin-Varnhagen were the first to establish the unconstrained veneration of Goethe in Germany. After Goethe’s death, the last poet to secure Germany’s place in world literature was (Heinrich) Heine, a Jew.”

Under the heading “The Night of the Axes”, Heiden cites numerous eyewitness accounts of the destruction of homes and shops and abuse of Jews on the night of November 9. He omits names and precise details of location to avoid endangering the victims and their families.

He describes the fate of a man in a “southern German town”, who had suffered a nervous breakdown and lay in bed, while his wife begged intruders for mercy: “It is typical of Nazis that they regard a person’s illness as something simulated. Mr. X. was dragged from his bed and thrown through the splintered fragments of the shattered front door, suffering lacerations all over his body. He then went barefoot and covered in blood to a police station, where officers saw to it that he was transferred to hospital.”

Heiden proves once again that the fires and other destructive acts of Kristallnacht (Night of Broken Glass) took place in line with precise plans, and that the SS and SA had received specific instructions to destroy Jewish shops and break into Jewish-owned homes and buildings, where everything was smashed to bits or looted.

Synagogues were set on fire according to plan, firebombs and petrol having been procured and exploited by the Nazis. The fire department throughout the country was instructed not to fight fires in the synagogues, but merely to prevent them spreading to neighbouring buildings. However, the Nazis concealed their role in the crimes in an attempt to have them seen as the spontaneous expression of the people’s wrath, allegedly incited by the death of the diplomat, vom Rath.

Heiden refutes this on the basis of numerous reports collected in his book. Thus he writes: “One of our informants reports as follows: ‘An SA member known to me personally told me that the command for this pogrom was given a fortnight in advance, long before the murder of vom Rath. On the Wednesday in question, the orders were issued at seven o’clock and the young boys were then allowed access to alcohol.’ Whatever the case, the plan for the pogrom had undoubtedly existed for quite some time; the shot in Paris may have accelerated its implementation…”

Mass arrests began on November 10, 1938, in the course of which thousands of Jews were taken from their homes and transported to the concentration camps at Dachau near Munich, Sachsenhausen or Oranienburg near Berlin and Buchenwald near Weimar. The treatment of the detainees in the concentration camps was harrowing. They were beaten, humiliated and forced to spend hours standing and exercising, which most of the weak and the sick did not survive.

Under the heading “Threatened with Starvation”, Heiden describes how the Nazis invoked further laws and decrees in order to deprive the Jewish population of any possibility of earning a living.

“In short, Jews can no longer run their own business. On November 10, the enraged population spontaneously smashed up his stores and carried away his goods. He then has to set up store again and buy new goods. After he feels he has satisfactorily done this, perhaps with the last of his funds, the commissioner for the Four Year Plan (Hermann Göring) expropriates his ruined, restored and replenished shop. And he does so coldly, abiding strictly to the law and suppressing any feelings of spontaneous outrage in order to finally achieve ‘the exclusion of Jews from German commercial life.’”

At the end of his study, Heiden evaluates the “deeper significance of the excesses of November 9 and 10” as follows: “Anti-Semitism was hitherto the strongest force driving National Socialism. After five years of National Socialist rule, however, it turned out that anti-Semitism had not yet sufficiently penetrated the mindset of the German people. This deficiency was to be remedied by an extremely provocative event. The shards and debris of Jewish property, the battered and terrified images of the Jewish population were to act on the imagination of the masses more persuasively than speeches, newspaper articles or laws. The masses were to be whipped into violence by the stimulation of incendiary explosions; they were to be driven to frenzy by the sight of the devastation, and possibly emboldened to enrich themselves on the spoils; the fires of the burning synagogues would inflame their tempers. The masses were to be absorbed into the turmoil of the anti-Semitic event in order to nurture anti-Semitic sentiments”.

According to Heiden, this was “not achieved and a plethora of eyewitnesses corroborate his view. Apart from local exceptions, the broad masses of the German people did not participate in the crimes of November 9 to 19: they at least partially repudiated them”.

Heiden also quotes statements from different parts of Germany. An observer from Aachen says: “The mood of the population is passive, but it is nauseated by these events”.

Heiden also points out that the pogroms against the Jewish population were closely related to the crisis that then plagued the fascist regime and led to the outbreak of World War II shortly thereafter.

A Night in November 1938 is an insightful study of the November pogroms and well worth reading. In face of world capitalism’s deepest crisis since the 1930s, knowledge of these events is not only of historical value; it is also a warning about the lengths to which the capitalist system in its death agony is prepared to go, if it is not overturned in time by the working class.

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Nazi horrors and books, new film


This video is called The Book Thief Official Trailer #1 (2013.

By Joanne Laurier in the USA:

The Book Thief: The Nazis and the assault, then and now, on culture

16 December 2013

Directed by Brian Percival; screenplay by Michael Petroni, based on the novel by Markus Zusak

On November 9, 1938, the Nazi regime organized the Kristallnacht (Night of Broken Glass) pogrom in Germany and Austria, which represented a transition from discrimination against Jewish citizens to their systematic persecution. The nationwide pogrom involved the mass destruction of Jewish businesses and synagogues. Some 30,000 German Jews were thrown into concentration camps and hundreds were murdered. This year marks the 75th anniversary of the tragic event.

British director Brian Percival’s movie The Book Thief deals in part with the horrors of the Kristallnacht period and is an effective reminder of the impact of Nazi atrocities on everyday life. In general, it focuses its attention on the Hitlerite attempt to destroy culture.

Based on Australian author Markus Zusak’s international bestseller, the movie—like the novel—is narrated by Death (the voice of Roger Allam), who admits, smacking his lips, in the film’s opening sequence that Germany of the 1930s and 1940s was a busy time for him: “I make it a policy to avoid the living … well, except sometimes I can’t help myself … I get interested … Liesel Meminger caught me … and I cared.”

Liesel (Sophie Nélisse), on the verge of adolescence, is traveling with her mother and younger brother on a train when her sibling takes ill and dies. The purpose of the journey is to finalize the adoption of the children before their mother is sent away to an unknown fate, as a Communist. At her brother’s gravesite, Liesel absconds with a book, The Gravedigger’s Handbook (literally that), a treasure for the illiterate girl.

Liesel’s foster parents prove to be the poverty-stricken Hubermanns—Hans (Geoffrey Rush) and Rosa (Emily Watson), residing in a small working class town. The kindly Hans, a housepainter economically punished for refusing to join the Nazi party, has an immediate affinity for the traumatized girl, while Rosa at first only appears to be interested in the stipend that comes with Liesel’s care.

Taunted by a school bully for her inability to read, Liesel quickly overcomes her handicap with Hans as her tutor and the dank basement walls of the Hubermann house as a dictionary blackboard. The Gravedigger’s Handbook is the only available reading material. Nonetheless, mastering the book generates in Liesel an insatiable passion for reading. Meanwhile, she develops a close friendship with a young neighbor and classmate, Rudy Steiner (Nico Liersch), a sweet, bony-legged athlete whose idol is African American track star Jesse Owens, winner of four gold medals at the 1936 Olympics in Berlin. Rudy’s enthusiasm for Owens has him applying black paint to his body, which opens him up to racialist ridicule and abuse.

A horrified Liesel is forced to participate in a local Nazi-organized book burning ceremony (“The end of communism and Jews”). As the fire dies down and the crowd disperses, Liesel rescues a half-burned book, an act witnessed by the burgomaster’s wife, Ilsa Hermann (Barbara Auer), who employs Rosa to launder. The Hermann mansion has a huge library assembled by Ilsa’s now-deceased son, for whom she is still grieving. One day when Liesel is delivering laundry, Ilsa invites her into the library. The girl spends many magical afternoons thereafter devouring the room’s contents. Ilsa sees something of her dead son in Liesel, but her intolerant husband, the village’s leading Nazi, throws Liesel out, cutting off a source of much-needed income for the Hubermanns.

As the attacks on the Jews escalate, an ailing Jewish teenage fugitive, Max (Ben Schnetzer), seeks shelter with the Hubermanns. The boy’s father saved Hans’ life in World War I, bequeathing to him an old accordion, which Hans frequently plays for solace. Hans, despite the enormous dangers involved and the hardship of having another mouth to feed, takes Max in. Liesel and Max form an intense bond, the former nursing the latter back from near death by reading books she surreptitiously “borrows” from the Hermann’s library. (Max: “The only difference between us and a lump of clay is life—words are life.”) When Rudy learns the truth about Liesel’s book-thieving escapades, they form a juvenile anti-Hitler pact. The onset of World War II brings much tragedy and suffering to the Hubermann’s community, but books for Liesel retain their transcendental powers.

As a tale about the crimes of Nazi Germany, The Book Thief is well served by the moving performances of Rush and Watson. Nélisse as Liesel is extraordinarily convincing as the young protagonist, bolstered by her energetic side-kick Rudy and her dignified mentor Max. A sentimental score by John Williams accompanies a storyline that is a somewhat lacking in dimension. However, the film’s striking, clear images speak to an important level of care and commitment on the part of its makers. This makes itself felt, for example, in the jarring contrast between Liesel’s and Rudy’s innocent, almost angelic visages and the reprehensible Hitler Youth uniforms they must sport.

Laudably, The Book Thief ‘s main theme is the need to defend culture, a subject of the greatest urgency in the present political situation. As a whole, however, the movie’s value in sensitizing the population to the dangers of authoritarianism and fascism is limited to encouraging a general humanity and sympathy. And it provides only vague answers to the question as to why the Nazis burned books.

Hitler once boasted: “I want a brutal, domineering, fearless, cruel youth. Youth must be all that. It must bear pain. There must be nothing weak and gentle about it. The free, splendid beast of prey must once again flash from its eyes … That is how I will eradicate thousands of years of human domestication … That is how I will create the New Order.”

Clearly, the movie is arguing that culture is the antidote to this savage conception. But how was it possible in a country with one of the richest cultural histories in the world that a crowd of gangsters took power and carried out unparalleled crimes? Artists and filmmakers have a hard time, especially at present, explaining concretely the conduct of various social and political tendencies and their consequences.

How many filmmakers, in Germany or elsewhere, would be familiar with the revolutionary opportunities that existed in Germany between 1918 and 1933, whose betrayal and failure opened the door to Hitler’s movement? “Communism” is mentioned a few times in The Book Thief as the nemesis of fascism, but the filmmakers make no effort to associate the rise of fascism with the intractable crisis of German capitalism. The Nazi assault on books and culture was an element of their assault on socialist consciousness and the working class. Then as now, reaction correctly identified culture and knowledge with dangerous opposition to its operations.

It seems likely that by dramatizing the Nazis’ “holocaust of books” the makers of The Book Thief are responding, with whatever degree of consciousness, to present-day censorship and attacks on culture. At its best, the movie brings forward the heritage of the likes of poet John Milton, whose books were publicly incinerated in England and France, and who wrote in 1644 that “Anyone who kills a man kills a reasonable creature, God’s image; but he who destroys a good book kills reason itself.” The great German poet, and friend of Karl Marx, Heinrich Heine prophetically wrote in his 1821 play, Almansor: “Where they burn books, so too will they in the end burn human beings.”

More recently, in the introduction to the 1967 edition of his Fahrenheit 451, science fiction writer Ray Bradbury recalled about the time of the Nazi actions: “I ate, drank, and slept books … It followed then that when Hitler burned a book I felt it as keenly, please forgive me, as his killing a human, for in the long sum of history they are one and the same flesh. Mind or body, put to the oven, it is a sinful practice, and I carried that with me.”

See also here. And here.

Anti-Semitic Christmas carol on Romanian TV


This video is called Romanian State TV Airs Anti-Semitic Christmas Carol.

From the Jerusalem Post in Israel:

Romanian state TV airs Christmas carol about burning Jews, celebrating Holocaust

By JTA

LAST UPDATED: 12/11/2013 18:58

Song includes lyric: “This is what the kike is good for, to make kike smoke through the chimney on the street.”

A Romanian public broadcaster distanced itself from a Christmas carol celebrating the Holocaust that aired on the new channel.

TVR3 Verde, a television channel for rural communities, presented the carol on December 5 during its maiden transmission.

Sung by the Dor Transilvan ensemble, it featured the lyrics: “The kikes, damn kikes, Holy God would not leave the kike alive, neither in heaven nor on earth, only in the chimney as smoke, this is what the kike is good for, to make kike smoke through the chimney on the street.”

In a statement Tuesday, TVR3 said it did not select the carol but only broadcast songs that were chosen and compiled by the Center for Preservation and Promotion of Traditional Culture, which belongs to the eastern county of Cluj.

TVR considers the selection “an uninspired choice and therefore notified the Cluj County Council of this,” the broadcaster’s statement read.

MCA Romania, a local watchdog on anti-Semitism, has written to Romanian President Traian Basecu and to Prime Minister Victor Viorel Ponta, to complain about the broadcast.

“We are shocked to see that the Romanian Public Television Channel 3 broadcast an anti-Semitic Christmas carol,” Maximillian Marco Katz and Marius Draghici of MCA Romania wrote in the letter. “It is outrageous that none in the audience took a stance against the anti-Semitic Christian carol that incites to burn the Jews.”

They added it was “absolutely unacceptable that TVR 3 tried to deny responsibility” by claiming it was the responsibility of Cluj County.

Singer Bob Dylan, a racist?


This Bob Dylan music video says about itself:

The Lonesome Death of Hattie Carroll (Live 1965)

Live Manchester, England, May 1965

By Norman Markovitz in the USA:

Tuesday 10th December 2013

Is Bob Dylan a racist?

NORMAN MARKOWITZ says recent claims by the so-called Council of Croats in France are not what they seem

I recently circulated a petition calling for Fifa to suspend the Croatian football team from upcoming World Cup games in Brazil because of its use of World War II Croat fascist slogans.

There’s another story relating to Croatia’s wartime role which has received greater international attention, however – people claiming to be representative of the Croatian community in France have sued Bob Dylan.

Their accusation is that this great singer, whose songs of social criticism such as Masters of War, Blowin’ In the Wind and The Times They Are A’Changin’ have made him one of the best-known and most admired US artists of the last 50 years, has made offensive and even racist remarks about Croats in Rolling Stone magazine.

Dylan’s attackers share one thing with the defenders of the Croatian football team – a desire to celebrate or deny a barbarous past.

Vlatko Maric, the secretary-general of something called the Council of Croats in France, tells Croatian daily Vecernji List that the council has decided to “file criminal charges against Robert Allen Zimmerman, aka Bob Dylan, and the French publisher of Rolling Stone magazine for inciting racism and hatred against Croats and the Croatian people.”

Dylan ruffled feathers in a discourse on US politics, in which he remarked as an aside while commenting on still tense relations between African-Americans and white people: “If you’ve got a slave master or the [Ku Klux] Klan in your blood, blacks can sense that, just like Jews can sense nazi blood and Serbs can sense Croatian blood.”

The comments have seen some radio stations in Croatia such as Radio Split banning Dylan’s songs from their playlists. And Maric says they “without any doubt incite hatred against Croatians.”

But do they?

Dylan’s use of the term “blood” is clearly very inappropriate. All human blood is the same. He would have been wiser too to refer to the Ustasha or Croatian fascists rather than Croatians in general.

But there are reasons to be sceptical about his critics. The reference to “Robert Allen Zimmerman, aka Bob Dylan” is reminiscent of nazi, Ku Klux Klan and House Un-American Activities Committee language when dealing with public figures of Jewish background who had changed their names.

The nazis, for example, referred to the prominent Jewish-German writer Emil Ludwig as Emil Ludwig “Cohen.”

Segregationists and racists in the US would traditionally refer to prominent Jewish figures in the arts as “Melvin Hesselberg, aka Melvin Douglas,” “Julius Garfinkle, aka John Garfield” and “David Kaminski, aka Danny Kaye,” as if simply citing a Jewish name was enough to discredit an individual.

And the crimes committed by German fascists and their allies – among whom the Croatian Ustasha was one of the most notorious – became the basis for the anti-racist laws that right-wing Croats are hypocritically seeking to invoke.

Actually similar suits have been launched in a number of countries by “rehabilitated” organisations such as Waffen-SS veteran groups in the Baltic countries against critics including Holocaust survivors.

In Germany nazi symbols, Hitlerite tracts and films such as Jud Suss and The Eternal Jew remain banned.

In the US even right-wing “tea party” Republicans do not celebrate the Klan as it was once celebrated in DW Griffiths’s silent film Birth of a Nation.

There are of course Holocaust deniers throughout the world. But Franjo Tudjman, the anti-communist Thatcher ally who became first president of Croatia when it broke away from Yugoslavia and who was implicated in many of the war crimes against Bosniaks during the ensuing conflict, is one of only two heads of state worldwide who openly joined the Holocaust deniers.

The other was former Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, whose statements were far more widely publicised and condemned.

Bans on Dylan’s music are very much in the tradition of the US House Un-American Activities Committee which highlighted Jews, African-Americans and people born abroad in attacks on cultural figures. The committee played a role in blacklisting Pete Seeger, the Weavers and other artists who inspired Dylan’s early work, though it had lost most of its power by the time Dylan’s career took off.

Dylan doesn’t have much to worry about from this suit, or from the establishment of any Un-Croatian Activities Committee which might go after him as well as former partisans and anti-fascists while celebrating the football team.

It would be nice, though, if those who have brought this suit against him would repudiate the mass murder carried out against Serbs, Jews, Roma and anti-fascist resistance fighters at the Jasenovac death camp, run by the Ustasha as a human slaughterhouse during the second world war.

Then perhaps Dylan might clarify his statement. Then it would be easier to separate the wartime fascist regime from modern Croatian nationalism.

Until the Croatian government faces up to this ugly chapter in the country’s history it will continue to be associated with it.