This video from Spain says about itself:
7 February 2013
Mariano Rajoy, Spain’s prime Minister, is accused of having received illegal funds of 25 000 euros a year for the past ten years. All the high ranking officials of his Party the “Partido Popular“, and members of his government, are suspected of having also benefited from those ilegal funds coming from private companies. What was asked in return is not known yet. But everyday, new documents are published in Spanish newspapers putting pressure on an already highly impopular government.
By Alejandro López in Spain:
Spain’s major parties hammered in European elections
30 May 2014
The European elections results in Spain represent a decisive rejection of austerity by the majority of voters.
The ruling right-wing Popular Party (PP) and the opposition Socialist Party (PSOE) both had their worst results since the first elections in post-Franco Spain in 1977. Their combined vote plummeted to less than 50 percent compared to 80 percent in the 2009 European elections.
The PP lost 2.6 million votes and eight seats, and was forced to cancel celebrations at its national headquarters, fearing its sympathisers would not turn up. The result was an indictment of the PP’s austerity policies, which have seen over 40 billion euros in budget cuts since its election in 2011, with unemployment reaching 26 percent. The party is also embroiled in court proceedings, which allege that a secret slush fund, operating since 1990, funnelled undeclared cash donations from big business backers to senior members of the party, including the current Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy.
The PSOE, thanks to its own record in government and its failure to mount any opposition to the PP, slumped to 24 percent, losing 2.5 million votes and nine seats.
The party was incapable of posing as an alternative to the PP, having itself opened the door to austerity in May 2010 when the government of Jose Luis Rodriguéz Zapatero imposed the largest austerity package since the death of General Franco. After that it continued its attacks, imposing two labour reforms, pensions cuts and wage cuts on civil servants.
After the results, PSOE General Secretary Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba announced his resignation, declaring, “It is obvious that we have not managed to recover the confidence of the people [...] We have to assume the political responsibilities.” He announced there would be a meeting in July to find his successor.
The fate of the PSOE is by no means unique. Rather, it is shared by its counterparts in Greece and Ireland, where austerity measures have been most savage and where the social democrats have been tested to destruction. The Pan-Hellenic Socialist Movement (Pasok), secured just 8 percent of the vote thanks to its coalition with New Democracy, while its former partners, the Democratic Left (DIMAR), came botton of all the major parties with 1.2 percent. Like Rubalcaba, its leader, Fotis Kouvelis, has resigned. Joining them in the political wilderness is Eamon Gilmore of the Labour Party in Ireland, who has been deputy prime minister in the coalition with Fine Gael. Labour’s vote fell from 19 percent in the 2011 general election to just 7 percent.
The main beneficiaries of the hostility to the PP and PSOE are the United Left (IU), a coalition of middle-class parties including regionalist and ecologist groups dominated by the Communist Party (PCE), and the newly created Podemos (We Can) party.
IU became the third force in Spain’s Congress, securing just under 10 percent of the vote (six seats) and trebling its 1.5 million votes in 2009. …
Podemos came from nowhere to become the fourth largest political force, securing 1.2 million votes (eight percent). …
In Spain, the high profile individual is political science professor, Pablo Iglesias, who constantly attacked “la casta” (the political caste).
In Catalonia and the Basque Country separatist parties were the main beneficiaries of the opposition to austerity. In Catalonia, where the voter turnout increased by 10 points in the lead up to a referendum on independence in September, the Catalan Republican Left (ERC) became the dominant political force in the region—for the first time since the period of the Second Republic (1931-1939)—overtaking the ruling Convergence and Union (CiU) party. “The People Decide” coalition, made up of separatist parties in the Basque Country, Navarre and Galicia, obtained nearly a third of a million votes, giving them one seat in the European Parliament.
Other beneficiaries of the elections have been Unión Progreso y Democracia (UpyD) with a million votes (four seats) and Cuitadans (Citzens) with half a million (two seats). Both parties focused their campaign on attacking the separatist project in Catalonia and defending the “unity of Spain”. This meant that the new far-right wing party VOX created by former members of the PP, which made the defence of Spain against separatism its main axis in the campaign, were incapable of obtaining one deputy, winning only 244,000 votes.
Within 48 hours of the elections the International Monetary Fund presented its latest proposals for Spain, indicating that this institution, along with the European Central Bank and the European Commission, not last Sunday’s elections, will decide the fate of workers.